12.09.2005

[原文]PHILOSOPHY AT THE END OF THE CENTURY: A SURVEY OF ITS PAST AND FUTURE

题名: PHILOSOPHY AT THE END OF THE CENTURY: A SURVEY OF ITS PAST AND FUTURE[*] , 作者: Jonas, Hans, Hannum, Hunter, Social Research, 0037783X, Winter94, 册 61, 发行 4
数据库: Academic Search Premier


PHILOSOPHY AT THE END OF THE CENTURY: A SURVEY OF ITS PAST AND FUTURE[*]

MY task is to speak to you about philosophy in this century and on the threshold of the next. I do not intend to speak here about Philosophy with a capital P, for it is doubtful whether such an identifiable entity exists. Just compare it with the natural sciences: physics, chemistry, astronomy, geology--each has its well-defined subject matter whereas philosophy can deal with anything and everything. Then, too, these sciences of nature all have a clearly recognized method that each of them is strictly bound to follow. Philosophy, on the other hand, which is so fond of reflecting on the method of every other science, has yet to produce any binding method of philosophizing and possibly never will.

Above all, however, every branch of natural science can state at any given time what is valid in it and what is forever out of the question in the certainty that the latest findings are almost the most correct up to that moment. The past is, at the most, of historical interest. No physicist of today, for example, can rescue "phlogiston" from history's graveyard. But Plato and Aristotle, the Stoics and Epicureans, Hume and Kant, Hegel and Nietzsche offer continual subjects for debate for modern philosophers and can still find adherents among them. Whereas there can no longer be an alchemist or astrologer whom we take seriously, we can still take seriously an Aristotelian or Hegelian. In philosophy we cannot have a binding consensus about what is correct and what is false. We cannot even desire one; it would spell the death of philosophy.

That is why it is impossible to describe the "state" of philosophy at any given time with the same exactitude with which one can describe, for example, the state of physics. It is a partially vexing, partially welcome fact that there are as many philosophies and also as many views of philosophy as there are philosophers. Those who invited me to deliver this lecture were certainly not unaware of this, and they must, therefore, consent to my painting a very personal and perhaps thoroughly unrepresentative picture of the field of philosophy at the close of this century and of the challenge awaiting it in the one to come. In any case, what I have to offer is more a contribution to the never-ending discussion of philosophy than a report on its present state--a confession, in the last analysis, of a personal nature. The advantage that I have been "on the scene" for the past seventy years is balanced by the disadvantages that my participation has been selective and that I have kept my distance from some important currents, especially from the powerful one of analytic philosophy. Thus, the picture I present will be historically incomplete, for I shall speak only from the experience of my own thinking. Now to the subject at hand.

For philosophy--in its classic homeland of Germany--the century began without the fanfare associated in the field of physics with the names of Planck and Einstein. In spite of the significant impact of Husserl's Logical Investigations, which began to appear in the year 1900, his work cannot be compared with the work of those physicists. Nietzsche's influence was beginning to be noticeable, Kierkegaard was being discovered, from France the voice of Bergson was heard, and in Vienna logical positivism started to show signs of life. But in the universities the dominant philosophical interest was clearly epistemology. This field was practically identical with "the theory of cognitive consciousness," as set forth, for example, in the several varieties of neo-Kantianism. Deferring to the powerful position of the natural sciences, professors of philosophy had long since given up the attempt to formulate a philosophy of nature.

It was not until shortly after the First World War that an earthquake shook the field of philosophy, and here I can speak from my own experience because, by the accident of my year of birth, I found myself in the midst of it. In 1921 when, at the age of eighteen, I went to the University of Freiburg to study philosophy, the leading figure there was the already graying Edmund Husserl. "Phenomenology," which he so passionately preached, was a program of self-examination of consciousness as the site of the appearance of all things possibly present to thought. A "pure" phenomenology of "pure" consciousness was to become the basis of all philosophy. "Pure" of what? Of the adventitious nature of all factual and individual elements, whereby inner awareness of essences is deemed able to extract that which is valid for all subjects in equal measure. A Platonizing element is unmistakable here, but--what is novel--it is applied to the field of subjectivity. The method, correspondingly, involves observation and description, not causal explanation as in psychology. The main accent rests on those functions of consciousness that constitute objects, that are cognitive and ultimately observing, and, in turn, can also be quite well observed themselves. Husserl was almost religiously convinced that the phenomenology he prescribed had finally made possible "philosophy as a rigorous science" and that he had brought to its culmination a major theoretical trend present in modern philosophy since Descartes.

There is not time to examine this theory more closely, but perhaps the following anecdote I recall hearing is indicative of its spirit. Someone--an outsider--once asked Husserl in person whether phenomenology had anything to say about God. The philosopher is said to have answered, "If we encounter him as a datum in consciousness, then we will certainly describe him." That sounds almost flippant, yet it is a fact that for many people Husserl's phenomenology became a path to God, mainly via Catholicism. I am thinking of Edith Stein and also of Max Scheler.

For myself, I confess gratefully that for the beginning philosopher phenomenology is a wonderful school in which to learn his trade. Respect for phenomena, practice in observing them, the rigorous task of describing them call for high standards to which one must strive to live. Yet even all this could not make philosophy into a "rigorous science"--that was a dream which Husserl brought with him from his early days as a mathematician and for which he had to be excused. But for his students the development of intuition was a life-long gain; it freed the area of intuition from the aura of irrationality that had clung to it ever since the days of the Mystics. On the other hand, I had my doubts about the adequacy of his theory, especially about its restrictive emphasis on pure consciousness. What about the existence of our body, I asked myself. Can we reduce it as well to a "datum of consciousness" without robbing the datum to be described of its real import--namely, that what is at stake is the existence or non-existence of the subject itself?

It is now my duty as speaker to announce that the theme of "corporality" is a leitmotif that will sound throughout the remainder of my address; it will accompany us far beyond the special case of phenomenology and will be with us until the end of these remarks. What did the phenomenology of a Husserl have to say about the statement, "I am hungry?" Assuming there were a phenomenology of the sensations of hunger and satiety, would it say anything at all to me about what these sensations involve? About why human beings must eat? And about how much? Biology, along with physics and chemistry, enlightens us about the why, about the inexorable "must." As for how much--good heavens, phenomenology's strictly qualitative awareness of essences cannot even begin to pose questions of a quantitative nature; yet the real, completely empirical size of our bodies has something to do with the answer. And in its turn the answer to "how much" leads to such unphilosophical questions as whether there is enough food and how to obtain it, and these then raise more questions concerning the just and unjust distribution of property as well as good and bad forms of society: here we find ourselves in the very midst of the burning questions of the time, from which phenomenology, in keeping with its self-definition, must remain aloof. Thus, it had nothing to say about the possible truth of Bert Brecht's brash lines written in those same years, "First comes the grub / Then comes morality." In this respect, among our non-philosophical fellow students, the Marxists--in taking such questions seriously--were ahead of us.

But it was not from the Marxists that we non-political disciples of philosophy were to learn that "pure consciousness" is too pure for this world and that "direct awareness" is not the primary modality of our relationship to world and self. The new orientation sprang up in close proximity to phenomenology itself: it was the Existential philosophy of Martin Heidegger. The appearance of Sein and Zeit (Being and Time) in the year 1927 turned out to be that earthquake affecting the philosophy of our century referred to earlier. It shattered the entire quasi-optical model of a primarily cognitive consciousness, focusing instead on the willful, striving, feeble, and mortal ego. And this happened not, as one might assume, within the framework of psychology but of the age-old question, rescued from oblivion, concerning the meaning of "Sein." No one will expect me to give an outline of Heidegger's philosophy here, but something must be said about the experience of the great shift in thinking that it brought with it.

Take, for example, the language of Being and Time, specifically--even more prominent than its strikingly metaphorical quality--the purely grammatical aspects of its conceptual style. What stands out immediately is the preference for using verbal forms as nouns: "In-der-Welt-sein" (being-in-the-world), "Geworfensein" (thrownness), "Mitein-andersein" (being-with-others), "Zuhanden-sein" (being-at-hand), "Sich-Vorwegsein" (being-ahead-of-oneself), " Vorlauf en zum Tode" (the anticipating of death). In German these are predominantly compounds containing the infinitive "Sein" (to be). The "time" in the book's title becomes "Zeitlichkeit"(temporality) and "Zeitigung" (temporalization) in the text, and instead of past and future we find "Gewesenheit" (pastness) and "Zukunftigkeit" (futurity). None of these are terms for objects but for events and for executions of actions: they do not refer to things but to ways of being; the concept of substance disappears, everything is always "in process," so to speak, and what was formerly called the subject is now called "Dasein." This extremely general and abstract infinitive becomes the technical designation for being in its specifically human forms, indeed for individual concrete persons as they experience themselves from within. Wherever "Dasein" occurs in Heidegger, "you" or "I" can be substituted but always as the agent of a specific kind of being. "Da-sein" is also a compound: the "da" indicates that this special form of being surrounds itself with a horizon toward which it lives. Thanks to this verbal usage, a singular dynamism, indeed an element of drama, permeates the description of every relationship between ego and world; and the expectation of dynamic circumstances thus awakened by grammatical usage is fulfilled by the concrete imagery with which Heidegger--almost like a poet--describes the attributes of Dasein. For instance, "thrown" (or "projected") into the world, Dasein "projects" itself into the future.

Passing now from the question of language to that of meaning, let us examine the definition of "Dazein" with its new significance. To wit: Dasein is that form of being which in its being is concerned with this very being. "It is concerned with something": this is certainly no longer the transcendental consciousness met with in idealism. The end-oriented character of all subjectivity takes priority; it is essentially purpose-oriented, and its prime purpose is itself. "For the sake of" dominates all of Dasein's relations with the world. The "intentionality" of consciousness, which in Husserl's case quite neutrally indicates that it has an object, now turns out to be permeated with "interest"; will outweighs awareness, and the world is in practical terms primarily "there" for Dasein. Here lies a certain relationship with Anglo-Saxon utilitarianism and pragmatism, a connection that has not gone unnoticed.

But why must Dasein always be concerned with something and, in the last analysis, with itself? The answer: because without this concern it would perish, since it is constantly exposed to nothingness. Thus, along with its end-orientation, its overall purposiveness, Heidegger's definition of Dasein articulates its precarious and threatened quality: because it is mortal it must be concerned with existing as such. And this existing must at every moment be wrested from the constant imminence of death. For this reason the basic mode of Dasein's being is described as "care."

With the positing of care as the primary aspect of Dasein's being we have reached the heart of Heidegger's so-called "extentialism" (he himself did not use this term). It is in the perspective of care that the world can confront us as the quintessence of "at-handedness" and the things of this world as potential "stuff" or "equipment," as something that can be of service in the end-means situation. That one's own being is the constant object of care does not mean that it is the only or even the foremost one. Much else that is transitory is encompassed by care: other persons--for example in the mode of "care-for" or "concern-for," perhaps to the point of self-abnegation--and even inanimate things, such as the uncompleted work to which the artist devotes his life. Here too it is a matter of one's own being in the sense that it can find fulfillment in total devotion to other beings.

Obviously, we are now at a threshold leading from an ontology of Dasein to the area of ethical conduct. Heidegger never really crosses it in Being and Time, nor, as far as I know, does he do so in his later works. To be sure, he does distinguish between "authenticity" and "inauthenticity" of existence, and it is clear that this is a value judgment--that, in other words, there are latent imperatives of should and should not present in the distinction. But Heidegger left it at that: namely, for him "authentic" and "inauthentic" are simply descriptions of alternative ways of being and of conditions present in every Dasein. In the first place and for the most part, people do not live as themselves but speak, think, and act as "one" speaks, thinks, and acts; it is only the "anticipating of death," that is, reflecting on one's own morality, that awakens in people the resolution to be their own selves, that is, to exist "authentically." Doubtless this state is superior to trivial "everydayness," but what this resolution favors or opposes is not stated. That it is enveloped by "dread" is stated, however, and here as well as elsewhere we find the influence of Kierkegaard, from whom the word "existence" had received a new definition, applicable only to human beings. The foregoing must suffice to recall the gist of Being and Time, and this book, his most famous and influential, must stand for all of Heidegger, although the immense scope of his later work progressed beyond it in many respects.

I have two criticisms that are of concern to me here. The first goes back to one already provoked by the case of Husserl. Heidegger's concept of Dasein as "care" and as mortal is certainly more in keeping with our being's subjugation to nature than is Husserl's "pure consciousness." The adjective "mortal" in particular calls attention to the existence of the body with all its crass and demanding materiality. And the world can be "at hand" only for a being who possesses hands. But is the body ever mentioned? Is "care" ever traced back to it, to concern about nourishment, for instance--indeed, to physical needs at all? Except for its interior aspects, does Heidegger ever mention that side of our nature by means of which, quite externally, we ourselves belong to the world experienced by the senses, that world of which we, in blunt objective terms, are a part? Not that I know of. Somehow German philosophy with its idealistic tradition was too lofty-minded to take this into account.

Thus, Heidegger too failed to bring the statement "I am hungry" within the purview of philosophy. In the last analysis, it was a very abstract mortality that we were meant to contemplate and that was meant to make us recognize the gravity of existence. By ignoring the concrete basis of ethics, Heidegger's interpretation of in wardness denied itself an important means of access to this field; with this lack, ethics for him remained empty of real content. It was crucial for human beings to choose, but what choices they should make was not stated.

Behind all of this, however, quite apart from Heidegger's particular case, lay an age-old one-sidedness from which philosophy has suffered: a certain disdain for nature, to which the mind or spirit felt itself superior. This was the heritage of the metaphysical dualism that has polarized Western thought since its origins in Platonism and Christianity. Soul and body, mind and mater, the interior life and the external world were, when not hostile, at least alien to each other and could be joined together theoretically only with difficulty. The split went right through the human individual, yet thinkers were in agreement as to which side the individual really belonged on. It was on this side that their gaze was fixed, and it was here that there was a world to be discovered which the eye does not see nor the hand grasp. It is to the long reign of dualism with its one-sided focus that we in the West owe the exploration of the realm of the soul, indeed the enrichment of the soul itself through constant reflection--an invaluable gain, exemplified by names like Augustine and Pascal but one whose price was high: mutual alienation between two parts of one whole. Its most recent form had been Descartes' splitting of reality into "extension" and "thought." Extension, expressible in mathematical terms--in other words, the entire material world stripped of all inwardness--was handed over to the nascent natural sciences to become their exclusive domain. This was still philosophy's deed; it thereby renounced, however, its right to express itself any longer on matters pertaining to nature, reserving for itself henceforth only the cultivation of the field of consciousness. It was on this salvaged half of the dualistic heritage that German Idealism blossomed. And ever since, philosophy has no longer concerned itself with the whole. The universe of knowledge was divided by the academic world into the natural sciences and the humanities, and philosophy found itself as a matter of course among the latter--whereas rightfully it should have stood above this division. Thus, when I was a student in Germany, concentrators in philosophy were not required to know anything about developments in the natural sciences. It was not until emigration brought me to the Anglo-Saxon world that I found a lively interest among philosophers in the natural sciences and a desire to integrate their findings into the humane disciplines. (I shall mention here only the name of the great Alfred North Whitehead.) For Heidegger, on the other hand, the natural sciences were, if I am not mistaken, little more than the creators of that soulless technology he deplored.

And yet that baffling "Dasein" of his emerged from the supposedly neutral "attandness" of the external world that science reveals to us--emerged in the first place in the evolution of the species and then repeatedly in every case of conception and birth. That must say something about objective nature, which causes this--and us--to occur. Nature must be questioned, so to speak, about its intentions concerning us. Heidegger himself, after writing Being and Time, deemed necessary such a reversal of the question of being and called it "the turn." The question is no longer what does "world" mean for "Dasein," which finds itself in it, but what does "Dasein," that is, the human being, mean for the world that contains it--contains you and me. In the one case, it is the human being, in the other "being," which is the focal point of the relationship. But Heidegger never brings this question about being--how it is, namely, that being contains and maintains the human and what it thereby reveals about itself--into correlation with the testimony of our physical and biological evolution. Instead of taking into account this massively material basis that after all propounds the riddle, he invokes as our underlying determinant a highly spiritual entity that he calls "das Seyn" [the German word for "being" in an archaic spelling]. Here again, as previously in the case of his overlooking the body, this means simply that the question of being was spared the tremendous impact of considering the reciprocal relationship between human beings and nature--a relationship which at that very moment was entering a new and critical phase, although this was still unrecognized at the time.

This is the first of my two critical comments on the thinking of my great teacher, I must say a few words in defense of the presence of the second one in these observations of mine. It has to do with Heidegger's conduct in the year 1933. Does that have anything to do with philosophy? In my opinion, yes. Since ancient times philosophy, unlike every other branch of learning, has been guided by the idea that its pursuit shapes not only the knowledge but also the conduct of its disciples, specifically in the service of the Good, which is after all the goal of knowledge. At the very least, philosophy's schooling of its adherents in discriminating among values ought to protect them from being infected by the mass mind. The example of Socrates, which has served as a beacon for philosophy since its beginnings, has kept the belief in such an ennobling force from being extinguished. Therefore, when the most profound thinker of my time fell into step with the thundering march of Hitler's brown battalions, it was not merely a bitter personal disappointment for me but in my eyes a debacle for philosophy: philosophy itself, not only a man, had declared bankruptcy. Had its nimbus perhaps always been a false one? Would it ever be able to win back some of that splendor we had expected of it? The unique caliber of the philosopher in question made his fall from grace an historic event.

The counter-example I shall now adduce only poses a new question. Among my professors was Julius Ebbinghaus, a strict and uncompromising Kantian, not to be compared with Heidegger in significance. He had passed the test admirably; I learned of this and visited him in Marburg in 1945 to pay him my homage. He looked into my eyes with that old fire of absolute conviction and said: "But do you know what, Jonas? Without Kant I wouldn't have been able to do it." I suddenly realized that here theory and life were one. With which man, then, was philosophy in better hands? With the creative genius whose profundity did not keep him from a breach of faith in the hour of decision or with his unoriginal but upright colleague who remained pure? To this day I do not presume to have the answer to this question, but I believe it belongs--unanswered--in a retrospective look at philosophy in this century.

Just as for many other areas, the Second World War represented a watershed for philosophy. The reality of what had been experienced and the tasks it left behind could not be ignored. From the heaven of eternal thought, contemplation--unnerved--descended to the earth with its conflicting forces and intervened in the course of affairs. Noble abstention from events of the day was a thing of the past. Politics and society became the dual focus of philosophical interest. Moral engagement permeated theoretical investigation. Belatedly, the voices of Marxist philosophers long excluded from the universities of the West finally began to be heard as well. In Germany the major example of this turn to the problems of a frightened and guilt-ridden society was afforded by the Frankfort School, whose members had returned from exile; their "critical theory" is unimaginable without the ethical component, still present in the thinking of the School's second generation as represented by Habermas and Apel. There were parallel developments in France. Concurrently, to be sure, analytic philosophy with its exclusive emphasis on the theory of knowledge, originally born in Vienna, returned to the continent as a new force along with the Anglo-American victors. Its highly specialized branches are actually separate disciplines and as little touched by events of the day as is mathematics. The most prominent name here is that of Ludwig Wittgenstein.

But among the events of the time was "Hiroshima," and this shock, perpetuated by the immediately following nuclear arms race, was the first trigger for a new and anxiety-ridden rethinking of the role of technology in the Western world. With its help, victory had been attained but at the cost of the constant danger of collective self-destruction. Thus, the philosophical critique of technology that now began stood initially completely in the shadow of terror (as in the case of Gunther Anders), and it was not to lose this apocalyptic aspect. To the fear of a sudden catastrophe was soon added the growing realization of the negative sides of technological triumphs in general, a realization that was accompanied by totally new questions for philosophy. For example, advances in biology and medicine led to a novel cooperation between philosophers and representatives of the life sciences for the purpose of clarifying the questions arising from the new discoveries. There is no longer room here for a simple yes or no as with the problem of nuclear weapons; instead, we find an area of fluid boundaries, subtle value judgments, and controversial decisions. Nor is there a Manichean struggle here between good and evil; no malevolent will is at work but rather the will to help. And yet inventive skill in the service of human welfare often turns out to be in conflict with human dignity. Biotechnology in particular has introduced into the realm of morality completely new dilemmas, heightened complications, and refined nuances that philosophy must take account of, although it often has nothing to offer except compromises between conflicting principles. This brings to light an important aspect of the entire technological syndrome: its previously undreamt of power, a product of the power of the human mind, confronts this same mind with new and previously undreamt of challenges.

This situation is magnified in the case of the impact of contemporary humankind's technology on the natural environment. And indeed, as this phenomenon--namely, the threat we pose to the planet's ecology--became more and more apparent during the second half of this century and finally even came to the attention of philosophers, suddenly one of the oldest philosophical questions, that of the relationship between human being and nature, between mind and matter--in other words, the age-old question of dualism--took on a totally new form. Now this question is no longer something to meditate on in the calm light of theory; it is illuminated by the lightning flashes of an approaching storm, warnings of a crisis that we, its unintentional creators, have the planetary duty of trying to avert. Thanks to this exceedingly practical aspect of the problem, the reconciliation between our presumptuous special status as humans and the universe as a whole, which is the source of our life, is becoming a central concern of philosophy. I see in this an urgent task for philosophy to address, both at the present moment and into the coming century. Because of this urgency, I hope you will permit me to devote the remainder of my remarks to this topic.

Clearly, philosophy can undertake its new assignment only in closest cooperation with the natural sciences, for they tell us what that material world is with which our mind is to make a new peace. Let us ask, then: what findings of physics, of cosmology, of biology must philosophy keep in view in trying to determine the status of mind in the total scheme of being? I shall confine myself to a few summary points.

Since Copernicus, to our knowledge it is no longer the entire cosmos that is the dwelling place of life but solely our planet Earth. Nothing in the remainder of the gigantic universe guarantees that there must be such a dwelling place at all. Therefore, we must regard ourselves and all life around us as a cosmic rarity, a stroke of luck that caused a potentiality, hidden in matter's womb and as a rule remaining hidden, to become, as an exception, reality. On the other hand, as Darwin taught us, what had become reality, thanks to the unique favorableness of special planetary conditions, demonstrated its ontological force in an eons-long process of evolution--changeable, without plan or goal, both creative and destructive-which populated the receptive biosphere with unforeseeable forms. In comparison with this earthly drama with its immensely complex creations, all the rest of the discernible universe is primitive and monotonous. But it is the same primeval substance, present throughout the universe in galaxies, suns, and planets, that has also brought forth life, pleasure and pain, desire and fear, seeing and feeling, love and hatred. No mere materialism as formulated by the physicists can ever comprehend this. Yet opposing every form of dualism is the monistic testimony of evolution, which, it seems to me, has not been adequately taken into account by any ontology put forward by philosophers. This cannot be the concern of the physical sciences by themselves, which are dependent solely upon physical data. These data taken by themselves can explain, by means of mere mechanistic causality and without postulating any special vital force or the like, even the subtlest complexity of organic structure and function as well as their phylogenetic development. Which makes even greater, then, the enigma of subjectivity that accompanies advancing levels of physical history and speaks an entirely different language. Natural scientists need to be deaf to this language or, if they do hear it, accuse it of lying, for it speaks of goals and purposes. But this enigma must give no rest to philosophy, which has to listen to both languages, that of the external and that of the internal world, uniting them in one statement about being that does justice to the psycho-physical totality of reality. We are still far distant from this welcome kind of ontology and do not know whether it will ever be our portion. Merely striving for it means venturing forth from the Cartesian certainty of exact knowledge into the uncertainty of metaphysical conjecture. I do not believe that in the long run this can be avoided.

Late in the evolution of life we encounter ourselves--human beings. We appeared on the scene only very recently. In the history of life, our entrance was an event with immense consequences, and it has not yet been determined whether we are equal to them. With us, the power of thought intervened in Earth's further development and severely impaired those biological mechanisms in effect until then that ensured the equilibrium of ecological systems. No longer did organisms with genetically fixed patterns of behavior struggle for their portion of habitat, with the result that each portion remained approximately constant; now the inventive genius of homo faber, free and responding to the perceived needs of the moment, dictated--one-sidedly, again and again, more and more rapidly--the conditions of future symbiosis. The span of time from the Paleolithic Age to the era of scientific technology is a long one in human history but very short in evolutionary terms, and since the rise of the modern natural sciences in the seventeenth century the tempo of change has accelerated exponentially. What we are experiencing today is the paradox of excessive success that threatens to turn into a catastrophe by destroying its own foundation in the natural world.

What has philosophy to do with all this? Until now it has posed questions about the good life of the individual, about the good society, about the good state. Since its beginnings, it has always concerned itself with human actions insofar as these occurred between human beings but scarcely ever with the human individual as an acting force in nature. But now the time for this has come. To address this problem, a new conception of human beings must be developed that takes into account their mind-body unity, thanks to which they are on the one hand a part of nature themselves and on the other extend beyond it. In this connection let us not deny that the practical use of the mind--that is, its power over the body--was, from the beginning and for a long time almost exclusively, in the service of the body: to better meet its needs, to attend to them more fully, to satisfy them for longer periods--and constantly to create new needs by making them fulfillable. In serving the body, the human mind wreaks havoc on nature. And in so doing, it increasingly adds to our needs and desires, more dignified than those of the body but possessing an appetite equally as ravenous for the Earth's resources. This is evidenced by the physical prodigality of advanced cultures, which only increases the impact of an already excessively large population upon the shrinking resources of the natural world. Indeed, the mind has made the human being into the most gluttonous of all creatures and this to such a degree that today the entire species is driven to live from the environment's unrenewable capital rather than from its income.

Knowledge about this situation is as new as the situation itself. But the knower here is that same mind which caused the situation in the first place. Thus, the future has not yet been decided. We say this in spite of the disturbingly questionable character of the human mind's present ascendancy. A few remarks about this state of affairs follow.

As we awake from a hundred years of technology's blithe plundering of the planet and its triumphant celebration of its successes, its Utopian dreams of happiness for the entire human race, we are discovering a previously unsuspected tragedy in the gift of the sixth day of creation as reported in Genesis: the granting of self-consciousness and intellect to a creature of physical needs and drives. Nobility and doom join hands in the human intellect, which taken by itself raises the human being into the realm of metaphysics but becomes, in its practical application, the instrument of extremely brutal biological success. In itself the mind represents the fulfillment of human destiny; around itself it spreads destruction. With it we reach the peak of being's self-affirmation, which became discernible with the first stirrings of a feeling and mortal life, and now it is undermining the foundation that sustains it. At the height of its triumph the mind is placing the species endowed with it before an abyss. But the very fact that it is beginning to see this abyss offers the glimmer of a chance of preventing the plunge over the edge. For the mind, which recognizes itself here as the source of doom, is after all not merely an instrument for attaining power over material objects but also has its own characteristic motivations arising from its perception of values. It forms the concepts of the good, of duty, and of guilt. It prides itself on its freedom of choice and thereby declares itself responsible for its actions. And since these actions now threaten the entire planet, the mind is also capable of recognizing its responsibility for the planet's survival.

It has become one of philosophy's tasks to reinforce this recognition and develop it further. First of all in the role of gadfly, with which Socrates compared his function as philosopher: we cannot keep silent a moment longer about these problems, and we must continually seek to awaken people's consciences. Next, we must work on the idea of a peace pact between mind and nature, for the sake of which arrogant humans must renounce much of that to which habit appears to entitle them. In addition to this must come, properly speaking, the philosophical effort to provide as rational a basis as possible for the imperative of responsibility within a comprehensive ontology and to make the absoluteness of this imperative as convincing as the enigma of creation will permit.

The actual articles of a possible peace pact itself can be worked out only by practical experts--in other words, not by philosophers. All the sciences concerning nature and human beings, concerning economics, politics, and society, must cooperate in drafting a planetary statement of condition along with suggestions for arriving at a budget balanced between human beings and nature. Whether so much as a theoretical agreement is attainable I do not know, and even less do I know whether one with the best possible practical grounding has a chance of being translated into action. Perhaps it will not be a matter of planning at all but of improvisations which the widely growing emergency will cause humanity's inventive genius to devise from occasion to occasion. I do not know--and probably no one does. Only the great imperative is overwhelmingly clear to me along with the fact that the human mind alone, the great creator of the danger, can be the potential rescuer from it. No rescuer god will relieve it of this duty, which its position in the order of things places upon it.

From the abyss that is now becoming visible there arise questions we have scarcely ever asked before. Here, in conclusion, a sampling of them. Can nature continue to tolerate the human mind, which it created from its own substance? Must it eliminate the human mind because it finds that mind too destructive of the natural order? Or can the mind ultimately make itself tolerable for nature once it has become aware that it is intolerable? Is peace possible when war was the primeval law governing the relationship between the two? Or was tragedy perhaps the original purpose behind the birth of mind? Is the drama, in spite of its tragic ending, worth performing for the sake of the unfolding of the plot? And how can we make the drama worthwhile in itself, regardless of the ending? How much of its worthwhileness can we sacrifice in order to attempt to avert catastrophe? Is it permissible for us to be inhumane so that humans can continue to live on Earth? And so on.

All of these are questions of the type Wittgenstein forbade us to ask, since there can be no verifiable answers to them. But they help us to recognize the existing situation, which forces these questions upon us, and to see that it is ourselves to whom these questions are addressed. And here we discover that what lies at the heart of these questions is not metaphysical brooding (which undoubtedly has its own justification) but an anguished sense of responsibility for this threatening state of affairs. It is that sense of responsibility which will give rise to answers involving action where there are none involving knowledge. And so the shudder of horror evoked by the last question I raised--that of dehumanization for the sake of saving humankind--can reinforce philosophy in its role as guardian of those basic values we cannot live without--even though it must simultaneously become the advocate of our living without much of value to which we have become accustomed.

In rethinking the concept of responsibility and of its extension--never conceived of before--to the behavior of our whole species toward the whole of nature, philosophy will be taking a first step in the direction of assuming this responsibility. As I take my leave now, it is my wish for philosophy that it persevere in this endeavor, undererred by all justifiable doubt as to whether it will meet with success. The coming century has a right to this perseverance.

[*] A lecture delivered on May 25, 1992 in the Prinzvegenten Theater in Munich as part of the series "The End of the Century," sponsored by the Directors of the Bavarian State Theater and by the Literatur Handlung in Munich. Originally published by Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfort on the Main, 1993.

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BY HANS JONAS Translated by Hunter and Hildegarde Hannum

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Source: Social Research, Winter94, Vol. 61 Issue 4, p813, 20p
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[翻译稿]世纪之末的哲学:对其过去与将来的调查

世纪之末的哲学:对其过去与将来的调查

摘要:本文根据尤纳斯教授19925月在慕尼黑Prinzvegenten剧院的演讲录音整理而成,是为巴伐利亚州剧院理事会以及慕尼黑Literatur Handlung资助的名为“世纪之末”的演讲系列之一。原文为德文,最初发表于19935月法兰克福Suhrkamp出版社,后经HunterHildegarde Hannum译成英文。在此次演讲中,尤纳斯一方面对他所亲身经历的二十世纪哲学进展作了大致回顾,尤其谈到他对胡塞尔、海德格尔的师承和批判;在此基础上,他对二十一世纪哲学的前景和使命做出展望,提出一种基于自然整体的本体论的责任伦理学思想,以迎接技术时代带给人类的新的挑战。

关键词:汉斯·尤纳斯、哲学、责任

PHILOSOPHY AT THE END OF THE CENTURY: A SURVEY OF ITS PAST AND FUTURE

我 的任务是向你们讲述本世纪的哲学以及站在新旧世纪之交的门槛上,对下个世纪哲学作一个大致的描述。我不打算使用首字母大学的“哲学”一词,因为我怀疑这样 一个实体概念是否真的成立。物理学,化学,天文学,地理学,每一自然科学都有明确的研究范围,而哲学却涵括大千世界的一切。此外,自然科学严格遵守一系列 明确的研究方法,(首字母大写的)哲学热衷于影响其它科学的研究方法,因之必须确立哲学研究自己的方法,但它可能永远做不到这点。

此 外,自然科学的每一分支学科都可以说明,在某一时刻什么对它是有效的,以及什么永远不在它关注的范围之内,毫无疑问最新近的发现几乎总是眼下最为切近正确 的答案。与之相应,对过去一切的关注则只是出于历史兴趣。例如,今天恐怕没有哪个物理学家会从历史的墓园中重新掘出“热素”(philogiston) 加以研究。但是柏拉图和亚里士多德,斯多葛主义者和伊壁鸠鲁主义者,休谟和康德,黑格尔和尼采,都源源不断地为现代哲学家提供论辩的题材,直到今日还能找 到他们的拥趸。如今我们已不会把哪个炼金术士或占星家的话当真,但我们始终都关注亚里士多德和黑格尔。在(首字母小写的)哲学(以下“哲学”,如无特殊表 明,均为首字母小写的“哲学”——译者注)中,我们无法就孰是孰非达成一致。我们甚至不能奢求这样一种共识;一俟如此,便将宣告哲学的死亡。

这 就是为什么无论何时都不能以品评物理学般的精确度来品评哲学。有多少位哲学家就有多少种哲学和哲学观,这个事实让人头痛不已又举双手欢迎。但很明显,邀请 我做这次讲座的组织者却没有认识到这点,他们因此必须允许我就本世纪之末和即将到来的充满挑战的新世纪的哲学,发表自己个人的、甚至是很不具有代表性的见 解。我试图向大家展示这样一幅哲学图景,它充斥着永无休止的论争而不单单是对当下哲学情状的描述——并且我需要向大家致歉,对这样一幅图景的描述也只能出 于我个人的孔见。过去七十年间我始终对哲学保持密切关注,这是我的优势,但劣势在于我只是就哲学的某些领域展开研究,并始终与一些当下的重要流派保持距 离,尤其是最有影响力的分析哲学这一支。因此今天讲座中我呈现给大家的图景很可能不够全面,我只就自己有切身体验的部分发表意见。下面我们切入正题。

对哲学来说,在它的伟大故乡德国,这个世纪之初的锋芒完全被产生了普朗克、爱因斯坦等人的物理学遮盖住了。不论胡塞尔始于1900年 的逻辑研究产生多么重要的影响,他的作品都根本无法与那些物理学家们相提并论。尼采其人其说开始受到注意,基尔凯戈尔正在被逐渐发现,法国人伯格森的思想 向东传到德国,逻辑实证主义在维也纳开始勃兴。但在大学,主流哲学界关注的中心仍然是新康德主义的部分流派提出的认识论,或者可以称作“认知意识理论”(the theory of cognitive consciousness)。哲学教授们早已放弃了阐释自然哲学的努力,把这任务交给自然科学家。

直到第一次世界大战结束,哲学界才发生了第一次大地震,我生在那个时代,切切实实感受到了这次震荡。1921年,18岁 的我进入弗莱堡大学学习哲学,那儿的学术带头人是业已迟暮的埃德蒙德·胡塞尔。他充满激情孜孜不倦宣扬的“现象学”,是种对意识进行自我检验的程序,将万 事万物纳入思想活动中予以考察。一种“纯粹”意识的“纯粹”现象得以成为一切哲学的基础。“纯粹”的什么?一切外在的事实与个体性要素,不论内在意识是否 能准确把握这些外在现象。毫无疑问这儿浮动着柏拉图的影子,但又加入了新的成分——它致力于在主体性的场域内发挥效用。相应地,其方法为观察与描述,而不 是像心理学那样作因果解释。重点在于意识的功能,意识构成客观世界,客观世界因而是可认知和最终可体验到的,并完全可以自我体验。胡塞尔甚至如宗教般地笃 信,他提出的现象学最终能够成为“一门如科学般精确的哲学”,并因而达到自笛卡儿以来现代哲学发展的至高无上的巅峰。

由 于时间限制,我们无法进一步展开详述这一理论,但我讲一件听到的逸事,也许它可以说明问题。某人——一个局外人——有一次私下里问胡塞尔,现象学是否会论 及上帝。据说哲人胡塞尔是这么回答的,“如果我们在意识中确凿无疑地与他相遇,那么我们自然会描述他。”这回答看上去无理粗鲁,但却一针见血地指出很多人 将胡塞尔的现象学视为认识上帝的途径,尤其是那些虔诚的天主教徒们。比如爱迪·施泰因(Edith Stein)、马克斯·舍勒(Max Scheler)。

我 很感激地承认,对初窥哲学堂奥的入门者来说,现象学的确是非常理想的修行之所。对现象的尊重,观察现象的练习,以及描述现象的严格训练都要求人们勤奋努 力。但所有这一切都不足以使得现象学成为一门“精确的科学”——胡塞尔早年曾经梦想做一名数学家,也只有将现象学比肩“精确的科学”,他才能给自己以安 慰。但对他的学生们来说,直觉的解放使他们一生均受益无穷;现象学把直觉从非理性王国中拯救出来,摧毁了自从神话时代就如影随形紧紧束缚着的枷锁。但另一 方面我认为他的理论未免滑入极端,尤其表现在对纯粹意识的过分强调。我问自己,该如何解释存在着的肉体?我们能把它归入“意识的王国”中,而不失去它的真 正含义——即是说,当存在本身都成为至关重要的问题的时候,又怎么能忽视肉体的存在,而去过分追求“纯粹的意识”吗?

我有义务向大家说明肉体成为我所欲强调的重点;它将帮助我们不囿于对现象学进行评述的狭小视域,并贯穿于此次讲座的始终。胡塞尔的现象学会怎么解释这一论断“我饿了”? 假设的确存在关于饥饿与满足感的现象,这些现象是否会告诉我们,饥饿等感觉涉及到什么? 会不会告诉我们为什么人必须吃东西?要吃多少?只有生物学,在物理学和化学的帮助下才回答了这些问题,告诉我们为什么“必须”这么做。举要吃多少食物为例 ——现象学着眼于对本质的认识,因而甚至无法对大千世界芸芸众生作以追问;然而我们实实在在的肉体却能回答这些问题。相应地对“多少”的回答也提出了并不 属于哲学范畴的问题,如是否有足够吃的食物、如何获取它们,以及进而所有物分配是否公平、社会组织是否良好等:此时我们发现自己置身于一系列当下时代最为 迫切和棘手的难题当中,而现象学却停留在自我定义的狭小空间内,无法对现实作出有力回应。同时代的伯特·布莱希特写道:“首先是食物,然后才能谈道德”, 这句话也许最贴切不过,但现象学根本无法作以回答。在这方面,非哲学专业的学生,那些马克思主义者们却很看重这些问题,因而走在我们的前面。

然而使我们这些非政治性的哲学门徒们认识到“纯粹意识”过于纯粹抽象而难以关注现实问题的却不是马克思主义者。这新的泉源来自与现象学关系密切的海德格尔的存在主义哲学。1927年付梓刊行的《存在与时间》在本世纪的哲学界引发第二次大的震荡,与胡塞尔现象学遥相呼应。它粉碎了以认知意识为主的整个准光谱模型,转而关注欲望、渴求、孱弱以及人的自我。这一切并非围绕心理学框架徐徐展开,而是通过对湮没于时间长河中的古老概念“存在”(Sein)的重新发掘整理而实现的。恐怕没人会希望我对海德格尔哲学作以描述,但我必须适当介绍一些有关内容,来指出海德格尔的存在哲学是如何带来剧烈的思想震荡的。

以《存在与时间》一书的语言为例,尤其是作者独特的语法风格——其语言上的震撼甚至大于对形而上学思想产生的震撼。最突出的特点表现在将动词作名词来使用:“在世存在”(In-der-Welt-sein, being-in-the-world),“投射”(Geworfensein, thrownness),“与他人共在”(Mitein-andersein, being-with-others),“应手的存在”(Zuhanden-sein, being-at-hand),“超越自我的存在”(Sich-Vorwegsein, being-ahead-of-oneself),对死之预见(Vorlauf en zum Tode, the anticipating of death)。在德语中这些都是含有不定词“在”(sein, to-be)的组合词。书名中的“时间”在书中变成了“时间性”(Zeitlichkeit, temporality)和“时间化”(Zeitigung, temporalization)。此外书中我们找不到“过去”和“现在”,作者代之以“曾在”(Gewesenheit, pastness)和“来世”(Zukunftigkeit, futurity)。上述概念都不是用来描述客观对象的,而是指涉时间与行为活动:它们与事物无关,而说明存在的方式;“实体”(substance)概念消失不见,只剩下“过程”;并且,从前被称作主体的,在海德格尔此书中被称为“此在”(Dasein)。这个普遍而又抽象的词是对人之存在的技术性表述,尤其针对每一个切实存在的个人,他们都是从自身内部体验到自己的存在的。“此在”(Da-sein)仍旧是一个组合词:“Da” 表示这样一种关于存在的特殊形式,它受限于这样一个范围,即只是在它生存的时间段内有效。也正是得益于这种动词用法,一种单称词的戏剧般跌宕起伏的活力得 以渗透进对自我与世界关系所作的描述中去;更像是一名诗人的哲人海德格尔通过对此在所作的进一步阐述,以文法运用的方式唤醒了此种为人期待已久的活力。例 如,存在物被“投射”到此世界中,此在为自身的未来作进一步规划。

现 在我们把注意力从语法应用转移到意义释析上来,看看“此在”概念有什么新的创见。此在是这样一种存在形式,存在物之存在恰恰与其存在本身密切相关。“它与 什么东西有关”:这毫无疑问不再是唯心论的先验意识。指向目的的主体性因而彰显其重要性;它从其根本来说是以目标为指向的,那至高无上的目标就是它本身。 “为了的缘故”左右一切此在与世界的关系。胡塞尔以相当中立的态度强调意识必定有一个目标(object)。海德格尔则为它加入“兴趣”元素;意愿的重要性超过意识,世界主要是为此在作准备的实践地。这样我们便能认识到,盎格鲁——撒克逊功利主义传统与实用主义传统在其中产生了一定的关联。

但是,为什么“此在”必须总是与一些东西、并最终与自身相联系?答案是:如若不然,此在也将消亡,因为环伺四周的是绝对的虚无。 因此,海德格尔的此在既有这明确的目的指向,又凸显其惴惴不安的不稳定因素: 此在之物终将不免一死 ,既已有存在就必将有死亡而回归虚无。存在恰恰是脱胎于虚无的母体而生,且早晚会回归永恒的虚无。因此,此在之物存在的基本模式可以被称为“关怀”。

随着将关怀明确列为此在之物的重要特征,我们得以接触到海德格尔“存在主义”思想的核心(尽管海德格尔本人并未使用“存在主义”一词)。世界以关怀的姿态和立场将我们列为“在手”(at-handedness) 的典范,并视世间其他万物为潜在的“原料”或“工具”,可以为实现此在之目的有所助益。当说人之本己存在是关怀一以贯之的对象时,并不意味着它就是唯一的 甚或最重要的对象。关怀还包括一些瞬时性目标:比如对其他人的“关切”或“关怀”,甚至在否定意义上的“放弃”这种关怀;再比如一些无生命之物,如艺术家 倾其毕生心血终而未竟的作品等等。这些例子表明存在物也可以通过对他者的奉献付出求得自我实现。

显然,这里我们踏在一个门槛上,身后是关于此在的本体论,面前就是伦理学领域。海德格尔在《存在与时间》一书中终究没有再向前跨出一步,甚至就我所知,他在随后的作品中也没有。他的确区分了本真存在(authenticity)与非本真存在(inauthenticity), 应当承认这种区分就是价值判断——或者换句话说,其间潜伏着应当与应当不的命令。随后一切戛然而止了:在他来看,“本真状态”与“非本真状态”仅仅是一组 可能的选择方案,用来描述每一此在之物的状态:或是存在,或是其他别的什么。首先并且最主要地,人们并不以本己状态生活着,而是以“人”的方式言说、思考 或行动;恰恰是“对死亡的预见”对个人的道德意志产生影响,才唤起了人们作为自己而生活下去的坚定信念,即本真地、切己地存在。无庸置疑它比日常琐事重要 的多,但这种坚定信念究竟赞同什么反对什么,却并未得到清晰阐述。唯一明确的是,它被“恐惧”(dread) 之情重重包裹着。于是我们发现了基尔凯戈尔的影子,正是他赋予“存在”以新的含义,只对人类有效。上述内容提纲挈领简述了《存在与时间》的要旨,作为海德 格尔最重要、影响最大的代表作,它可以代表海德格尔的主要思想,尽管海氏后期的书本著作一定程度上超出了该书的讨论范围。

与 本次讲座有关,我要对此作两处批判。第一处批判我已在前面述及胡塞尔时谈到了。海德格尔的作为“关怀”与终有朽灭的尘世之物的此在概念甚至比胡塞尔的“纯 粹意识”更为强调人类对自然的征服和鞭挞。形容词“终有朽灭的”尤其指涉肉体存在,及其粗糙严格的物质形态。并且只对有“手”的存在物来说,世界才是“在 手”的。但这里是否提到过肉体?海德格尔的“关怀”有没有追溯到肉身,关注营养代谢等生理需求?除了讲述内在性时顺便提到以外,海德格尔考虑过硬梆梆的肉 体也是我们不可分离的一部分吗?据我所知,答案都是否定的。唯心主义传统的德国哲学未免过于清谈,以至于忽略了这一点。

因 此,海德格尔和他的哲学也无法回应“我饿了”这句话。它属于终有朽灭的世俗世界,我们成为沉思的工具,转而认识到存在的重要性。海德格尔恰恰忽视了伦理学 世界,作为打开伦理学大门的钥匙,存在之物对自身、对他者的照管在另一方面否认了伦理学介入的必要性;这种确实使得海德格尔的伦理学空泛而缺乏实质内容。 人类必须作出伦理选择,而究竟作出何种选择,却并没有被明确指出。

海 德格尔伦理学思想的缺失背后,潜伏着困扰哲学已久的单边化困局:心智认为自己是至高无上的主宰者,因而蔑视自然。此种形而上学二元论滥觞自柏拉图主义与早 期基督教时代,将西方思想推至极端。灵魂与肉体,意识与物质,内在生活与外在世界,即便不是彼此敌视也是漠然视之,很难在理论中统摄合一。当然对个体的人 来说,此种二分正确无疑,然而思考者倾向于追问个体的人究竟属于两极中的哪一端。事实上二者并非非此即彼的全然对立,只有同时采取两种方法才能更有效地探 索、发现世界,毕竟眼睛有看不见的角落,双手也有触不到的地方。在西方世界二元论的统治性影响下,我们执着于单边性视域,如奥古斯丁和帕斯卡等人,过分重 视对精神世界的探索。厚此薄彼,代价不可谓不高:心、物二元世界彼此漠视严重对立,无法被整合为一体。其现代形式在笛卡尔那里得到了很好的表述,他把现实 世界二分为“外延”与“思想”。外延可作以数字化表述——剥离了全部内在特性的纯粹物质世界——被交由自然科学,成为它们当仁不让舍我其谁的研究领域。而 事实上这正是哲学的困境。哲学在坚守意识世界的同时,不再致力于研究描述自然的芸芸众生,此种二元论传统催生了德国唯心主义这朵璀璨的鲜花。但与此同时, 哲学放弃了自己曾经坚守的整体性立场,只见树木不再关注整个森林。学术界将知识世界一分为二,一为自然科学一为人文科学,哲学则成为一门委身于后者的子学 科,而它本应该居于二分之外,跨越二者间的鸿沟。所以在我就学于德国的时代,哲学界的学者们不必对自然科学知识有任何了解。直到我去国避难才在盎格鲁—— 撒克逊世界的哲学家们身上看到对自然科学的浓厚兴趣,和试图糅合自然科学发现与人文传统的努力(我可以举伟大的阿尔弗雷德·诺思·怀特海为例)。但另一方 面,如果我没弄错的话,海德格尔却在哀叹自然科学并不比产生自然科学的技术(technology)强到哪去。

通 过中立地“介入”科学展示给我们的外部世界,海德格尔提出晦涩的“此在”概念,它产生于物种的进化活动中,随着每个生命的诞生循环往复。因而它必定与客观 自然发生关系,正是自然产生了世界万物——包括我们。如此说来,就必须质询自然这么做的动机。海德格尔在写成《存在与时间》一书后,进而认为这样一种对存 在之质询的方向扭转是必要的,并称之为“转向”。问题的焦点就不再是“此在”发现置身于“世界”之中,“世界”对“此在”究竟意味着什么;而是对于约束着 “此在”的“世界”来说,“此在”或毋宁说人类对“世界”意味着什么。前一个问题中,“人类”成为关注的焦点,在后者中焦点变成更普遍的“存在”。但对包 括并制约着人类,以及进而展示出自身的“存在”而言,海德格尔从来没有从生理和生物进化的层面提出“das Seyn”(“存在”一词的古德语表述)。此外,如前所述他对肉体持轻视态度,使得存在的问题被融入更广阔的对人与自然的相互关系的考虑中去——二者间的关系在眼下进入一个全新的和至关重要的阶段,尽管尚不为世人所察觉。

上文是我对伟大的导师海德格尔所做的第一则评判。在提出第二则评判之前,我必须以自己的视角为之作以辩护。事关海德格尔在1933年 的演说。它和哲学有什么关系吗?在我看来,是的。因为自古时起哲学即已与其他学科不同,它秉持这样的理念,认为对哲学的追寻并不仅仅为了充盈知识宝库,而 是进一步形成一系列行为原则对世人产生影响,尤其致力于实现善,这一切知识努力追求的目标。至少,哲学派别的追随者们对不同价值标准的厘定应当使他们免受 世俗意志的侵扰。苏格拉底这座自哲学肇始之日即已高高耸立的灯塔,即颂扬着“虽千万人,吾独往矣”的高贵品质。因此,当我们时代的杰出思想家自甘堕落为希 特勒褐衣军团的闪电推进摇旗呐喊时,在我看来这已不仅是某个人的苦涩的污点,而象征着整个哲学殿堂的崩塌;不仅是某一个人,哲学自身即已宣告破产。这样的 光环总是错误的吗?她能否像我们期许的那般重新赢回往昔的荣光?哲人面对问题时的单一口径使他的堕落终至不可避免。

我可以举出一个反例,从而在两相对比之下提出新的问题。教过我的老师中有一位名叫耶宾豪斯(Julius Ebbinghaus)的教授,是个为人严厉且原则性极强的康德主义者,他在很多方面与海德格尔的表现截然相反。在那场试炼中他令人尊敬地坚守立场决不妥协;我得知此事后于1945年 专程去马堡看望他。它和以前一样炯炯有神地盯着我的眼睛,说:“但是尤纳斯你知道吗?没有康德,我根本不可能做到这些。”我突然间意识到,学术和生活其实 是一致的。既然如此,哲学最好掌握在谁的手里?是那些天赋异禀、思想深邃,却在关键时刻作出有违信仰的选择的人,还是他的那些不如他般才华横溢,却立场坚 定决不妥协的大学同事? 迄今为止我无法作出令自己满意的回答,但我相信——毫无疑问——答案就藏在对本世纪哲学进行回顾的点滴之间。

正 如许多其他领域一样,第二次世界大战成了哲学的分水岭。我们不可忘记已经发生了的事实和留给后人的使命。孱弱无实效的冥思从永恒无上的思想天国堕落至尘俗 世界,带着不同力量的冲突介入到琐事中去。无涉日常生活、单单冥思苦想追求纯粹知识的日子已经一去不返。政治与社会成为哲学关注的重要焦点。道德因素逐渐 渗入到理论探索的每个角落。马克思主义哲学家的声音被长时间摒除于西方大学之外,但最终姗姗来迟传遍校园内外。在德国,最能代表哲学转向关注社会远虑近忧 的是法兰克福学派,其成员大都是在排犹浪潮结束后回国的知识分子;其“批判”理论离开伦理学因子就不可能被理解,这一特征在哈贝马斯、阿贝尔等法兰克福学 派第二代知识分子身上仍然表现得很明显。在法国情况也大同小异。同时,本发源于维也纳的分析哲学及其唯知识论是举的倾向也随着盎格鲁——美国胜利者的脚步 重新回到欧洲大陆。其高度专业化的分支逐渐演变为若干独立学科,并和数学一样几乎不受到当前时代的任何影响。最有代表性的名字要数路德维希·维特根斯坦。

然 而这个时代终究不能遗忘日本广岛的一声巨响,它和随之而来的核武器竞赛成为这样的一个契机,促使西方世界重新审视并反思技术。拜核武器之所赐,胜利曙光重 新普照大地,但接踵而至的却是无处不在的集体自我毁灭的阴霾。由此而萌生的对技术的哲学批判就是在这种恐惧之下展开的(如安德斯Gunther Anders), 并不失其神启之意。对突然而至的灾祸的恐慌很快扩展到无孔不入渗透进日常生活的技术,人们越来越认识到其背后的消极影响,进而为哲学带来全新的重大研究课 题。例如,生物学与医学的进展敦促哲学家和生命科学代表们前所未有地精诚团结,共同致力于厘清新的科学发现所可能带来的问题。面对核武器的威胁,简单地回 答是或否已经于事无补,这是一块充满变数的领域,到处可见微妙的价值取向和争议连连的决策。此处也并没有诸如Manichean(古 希腊时代的诺斯提教的一支——译者注)一般对善与恶的交锋;并非心怀鬼胎,只有想做什么的念头。并且,一些对人类福利有所助益的新发明创造却可能与人之尊 严相抵触。这尤其表现在生物技术带来全新的道德二难困境,高度复杂的现实情况,以及失之毫厘谬以千里的细微分歧。哲学必须考虑到这些变化,即便它通常对此 束手无策,只能尽力调停不同原则间的矛盾冲突。现代社会的技术综合症突出表现在:技术给人以从前想都想不到的巨大权力,随之而来的还有尚未有过的、全新的 挑战。

现 代技术给自然环境带来愈发深远的影响,使得潜伏着的危机进一步加剧。尤其随着本世纪下半叶我们愈发变本加厉地侵蚀地球生态系统,人与自然的关系这一古老的 哲学问题,或者说意识和物质的关系这一古老的二元论问题,得以新的形式重新出现在人们面前。它已不再只要求我们埋首于方寸尺牍间做纯学理性探讨,更以刻不 容缓的紧迫性要求人们采取实际行动,避免可能给地球母亲造成的毁灭性打击。也得益于现实问题的紧迫要求人们采取实际行动,使得在原本倨傲自大的人类和万物 之母的自然宇宙之间寻求和解调停,成为哲学关注的中心议题之一。我认为眼下的哲学界对此不可视而不见,甚至下个世纪也要予以充分重视。也因其紧迫性,请允 许我在此作进一步阐明。

无 疑,哲学只有在自然科学的鼎力协助下才有可能完成这项崭新而艰巨的使命。自然科学告诉我们物质世界是什么样子的,从而为意识活动提供原材料。随后的问题 是,在物理学、宇宙学、生物学的诸多发现中,哲学必须从中撷取哪些来供意识形成有关存在的完整意象?我认为可以从以下几个方面作答。

自 哥白尼始,人类知识所关注的不再是浩瀚无边的广博宇宙,而仅仅是地球。尚无任何证据表明茫茫太空中有第二块如地球般的生命安居之所。因此,我们不得不将包 括自己在内的地球上的生灵看成是奇迹的宠儿,从一片虚无的母体中脱胎而生,唤醒存在的潜能成为切实存着的生命。另一方面达尔文告诉我们,生命之所以诞生也 归功于地球特殊的客观条件,生命孕育于其中,存在的本体潜流由暗至明从无到有,再经历漫长的进化演变——以无目的地、自然而然地优胜劣汰方式——演化成今 日谁也未曾事先预料到的生物圈。与眼下丰富多样的物种相比,早期的地球是那么原始单一千篇一律。但正是这简单的原始物质充塞宇宙天地之间,形成银河系、太 阳、地球,孕育出生命,进而有了欢乐与哀伤,欲望与恐惧,物质与情感,爱与恨。单凭自然科学家构筑的严格的唯物宇宙模型,我们根本无法完整理解这一切。但 就我观察,与任何形式的二元主义水火不容的一元进化论思想,并未被哪位哲学家吸收进本体论体系中去。自然科学严格遵照自然数据也不可能转而关注自然的本体 论内容,自然科学数据仅能解释机械的生理活动,无法阐明任何特殊的生命活动,甚或是最细微的生物结构、功能及其物种进化过程。更有甚者,以另一种全然不同 的语言在自然界中孕育演化的谜一样的主体性,是单凭自然科学根本无力应付的。自然科学家只能对此充耳不闻,或是将这有关目的和目标的陌生语言斥为胡说八 道。然而对哲学来说,永不止歇探究主体性之谜是当仁不让的职责,它必须同时倾听内在世界和外在世界的两股声音,合二为一汇聚成关于存在的统一理论,真正客 观公正地呈现心理——生理真实的存在。为了提出这样一种本体论,我们还有相当长的路要走,甚至不晓得它有朝一日能否真的实现。但无论如何我们都应当勉力为 之,从笛卡尔的确定性知识世界大踏步进入形而上学假设的不确定性领域。我深信这是不可避免的总潮流。

在 生命的不断演进中人类得以诞生。我们只是非常晚近才出现在地球舞台上的。在浩瀚壮阔的生命长河中,人类的诞生是诸多物种共同作用的结果,然而人类给予它们 的回报是否公平,尚不得而知。思想的力量随着我们参与到地球的进一步运作之中,其结果是极大削弱了生物机能,破坏本处于平衡状态的生态系统。生物不再努力 奋斗求得在大自然中的生存和进一步发展的权利,导致自然系统中的每个部分均相对固定下来;如今劳动的人(homo faber,与智慧的人homo sapiens相 对应——译者)以其卓绝的智慧,更多的出于自身眼下的需求,一而再、再而三地单边驾驭本该是共生共存相互依赖的自然环境。从旧石器时代到科学化技术时代, 在人类历史上是漫长的一页,而在整个生命进化过程中不过是沧海一粟白驹过隙。自十七世纪现代科学勃兴以来,变化的速度正在逐渐加快、飞速运转。时至今日我 们面临这样一个困局,人类取得的前所未有的巨大成功却反过来形成巨大的威胁,有可能彻底摧毁人之赖以生存的自然世界。

此 时哲学应当做些什么?迄今为止哲学一直在探讨个人的美好生活、幸福的社会、以及善的城邦。回溯到哲学的初兴时代,它总是关注人与人之间的行为活动、关系准 则,几乎不考虑个人对自然界的影响。这个时代一去不复返了。如今为解决迫切的问题,必须提出一种新的“人”的概念,使它涵括、整合心灵——肉体两个方面, 既承认人是自然的产物,又强调人是超越自然的存在。据此我们得以驳斥自哲学始兴以来一直占据主导地位的对精神力量的盲目迷信,抵制这样一种观点:意识凌驾 于物质之上并为物质服务;满足物质需求,尽可能更出色地满足需求,以及源源不断地满足需求——并且为了实现这些需求,又在继续产生新的需求。欲壑难平,为 了满足无休止的贪欲,人的经由意识指导的活动给自然带来浩劫。并且,意识活动带来的新的欲求远甚于肉体自身的需求,驱使人贪婪攫取地球的有限资源。这在发 达文明中表现得尤为明显,只会进一步加剧过剩人口与有限资源间的紧张冲突。因此,意识活动使人成为最贪婪的造物,以至于如今人类严重依赖环境中的不可再生 资源,大大超出自然所能承受的限度。

对这新局面的认识,与新局面的出现一样年轻。但认识到此情况的人,恰恰是那些亲手造成今日局面的人。明天会怎样尚无从预期,更尚且不论人类意识地位的逐渐上扬呢。关于这点我们可以作以下几方面说明。

我 们从百余年间对自然掠夺剥削而“硕果累累”的美梦中惊醒后,发现建立一处人类永恒的幸福乌托邦的泡沫轰然破灭,《创世纪》中前六天的被造物们留给我们这样 一幕悲剧:人不只是有自我意识、能思考有智慧的万物之灵,更是有生理需求的自然之子。曙光与末日奇妙地同时出现在人的智慧世界,思想将人带入形而上学王 国,也转而成为生物竞争中确保本物种得胜的赤裸裸的工具。意识象征着人的命运之实现;意识之外则弥漫着毁灭的烟硝。我们靠意识登上自我肯定的存在之巅,通 过自己的感觉以及终有一死的生命凸显自己的存在,而意识又在损毁、侵蚀维系其存在的根基,由意识武装后的人类所向披靡高歌猛进,终突然惊觉自己早已被意识 冲昏了头脑,脚下即是万丈深渊。所幸人终于看到前方的凶险万状,这也成为挽救自己的一线曙光。一俟意识认识到自己才是酿成灾难的始作俑者,而且仅仅是征服 物质世界的工具,它就会重新进行自我调整,敦促自己产生新的价值观。它定将重新诠释善、义务以及罪恶。意识的可贵之处就在于它有选择的自由,能对自己所行 之事负责。当前行为既已威胁到星球的和谐稳定,意识就有责任改过自新促进生态系统重新回到良性循环的轨道。

哲 学的任务之一就是强化此种意识并坚定不渝地贯彻下去。这无可避免地使哲学家如牛氓般令人生厌,他们报忧不报喜,恰如苏格拉底对哲学家的定义:面对问题我们 无法缄默不语哪怕仅仅一秒钟时间,我们奔走呼告努力唤醒人们的良知。接下来我们义不容辞的使命就是使意识与自然重新融洽和平共处,这就要求人们摒弃长久以 来傲慢自大的优越感。此外,公允地说,哲学家还必须理智地提出责任命令体系及其相应的本体论,确保此命令无可辩驳且能被普遍接受。

关 于意识与自然的和平契约,相关条款必须交由实践领域的专家制定——即是说,这不是哲学家的事。所有关注自然和人类,关注经济、政治与社会的科学,必须精诚 合作起草这样一套针对全球生命圈的准则,努力实现人与自然的和谐共处。我不知道这一理论是否可行,甚至不晓得某些已取得的共识是否真能被付诸实践。也许这 根本就不是深谋远虑而后有计划分步实现的活动,而是人类根据不同情况灵活调整的随机应变。我不知道,很可能也无人得悉其详。而对我来说唯一确定无疑的是, 人类既已是可怕的肇事者,又是潜在的拯救者。除了人类不会再有别的什么救世主挺身而出,这是人当仁不让无可推卸的义务。

环 境大崩溃的末日景象清晰可见,就产生了我们先前几乎从未触及的问题。诸如:自然创造并养育着人类,自然还会继续容忍人的胡作非为吗?自然是否会因为意识造 成太大威胁而索性毁灭全人类?一俟意识意认识到自己的毁灭性力量后,会努力调整自己终至被自然重新接受吗?战争一直是主宰二者关系的最主要因素,那么不动 甲兵的和平是否仍然可能?甚至,难道意识诞生就注定了悲剧的命运?还是说结局并不重要,哪怕最终仍然以悲剧收场,我们仍要在舞台上兢兢业业认真表演?我们 如何能让这幕结局已定的长剧更加精彩?为了人在地球上继续存在,人类是否可以惨无人道?如此云云。

维 特根斯坦禁止我们就上述一切发问,因为它们眼下根本无从查证。但恰恰这些问题帮助我们认识到存在的境状,提醒我们有这样一系列问题存在着,如梦魇般紧紧纠 缠着人类,挥之不去。从中我们可以发现,一切问题的核心均非来自形而上学冥思(尽管形而上学应当并且必须成立),而是认识到危机后在人心底涌起的震撼和责 任感,它迫切要求人们采取实际行动,很多时候这与知识无关。我所提出的一系列问题的最后一个——有关去人化(dehumanization)以拯救人类的疑问——也正呼唤哲学进一步发挥作用,捍卫人之为人不可或缺的基本价值——即便它也在鼓吹,为了人的美好生活,有必要放弃许多与我们朝夕相伴的价值。

通过重新思考责任概念及其外延——此举前所未有——进而影响人类对整个自然的行为,哲学将成为践行此一新责任的急先锋。我的讲座至此告一段落,但我仍寄厚望于哲学,纵使面对其能否终竟成功的怀疑,仍然百折不回,不屈不挠。在新的世纪中,我们值得为此一试。


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12.06.2005

几张老照片






老到不能再老啦,大概是85年前后照的了。照片中的小伙英俊潇洒器宇轩昂,姑娘漂亮娴静大家闺秀,青梅竹马(以下省略肉麻字若干)....
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11.10.2005

杜牧诗云

十年一觉扬州梦
赢得青楼薄悻名

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11.06.2005

愿景 之 等咱有了钱

等咱有了钱,就把中华牙膏从联合利华手里收购过来,重新包装一下再隆重推向市场,包装盒和牙膏管上都要用最醒目的大字标明:

使用前请摇匀。
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11.04.2005

尽情地骂我变态吧

因为我又换blog了,重新挪窝回最初申请的地方上来——因为我发现,blogspot.com被解封了....
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被丫哲点了,于是回答问题

我发现,无聊这种东西真的可以传染。既然丫哲让回答问题,不妨顺着竿子爬下去,最好也高潮叠起,以至于欲罢不能。

游戏规则:被点名在自己blog上写下答案,并出一个题目,然后把题目丢给另外五个人,并且到这些人的留言版上留下:"你被点名了。"这五个人在自己的 blog注明是从哪一个blogger那里传来的题目,然后写下答案,并另写一个问题,再去贴另外五个人。比如你自己回答34个题目,你回答完了再加一 个,被你点名的博友就要回答35个题目,如此继续下去……
提问1:2005年,你的野心是什么!
『出题人:狐狸』
换个学校继续混日子
提问2:为以下物品撰写一句话。此物品为二锅头。
『出题人:葵』
同样是酒精,为什么我对啤酒很感兴趣,想到白酒却害怕?
提问3:叙述你或者你想象中的最囧的一次恋爱经历 限原创;字数250字以上
『出题人:栗子』
拒绝一位绝色美女近乎于疯狂的非理性追求,转身毅然、决绝然、冷然的坚决变成一位同志。

提问4:一天早上起来,发现自己身边的人都变成蛤蟆似的只会跳,只会呱呱叫,你怎么办
『出题人:鬼丸』
马上想办法弄懂同样是呱呱叫,公蛤蟆和母蛤蟆的叫声有什么区别

提问5:如果发现自己最近衰到极点,你会怎么办?
『出题人:星星』
顺理成章地、成功地、继续崩溃下去

提问6:请形容一下你理想(妄想)中的结婚场景吧。。包括结婚对象。。
『出题人:泡泡璐』
嗯,在欧洲一个撑死几千人口的朴实农村里,找个朴实得不能再朴实的小教堂,约神父给我们证婚,戴戒指,说我愿意,然后跑到小酒馆昏天黑地个痛快。

提问7:如果你可以变成动漫/卡通里的角色,你想变成谁,说出原因。
『出题人:猫猫HISA』
弄内洋太。那是中学时候对我影响最大的几部漫画之一。

提问8:初吻的地点,时间,对象。哈哈哈哈。。如果还没有,那希望跟谁?
『出题人:叉』
我靠,这不是明摆着让我被老婆海K么?!打死我也不说!!!
提问9:最想到什麽地方定居。和谁一起去。以及原因。很简单的问题吧。
『出题人:熊子』
欧洲的哪个小村子,人口不超过1w,没有大工业的小城。和老婆,以及,如果有孩子的话。就老死在那里算了,刨个坑埋掉。

提问10:觉得人生对自己最重要的是什么?
『出题人:lulu 』
知道很多时候,很多事情,不是努力就会有结果的。
提问11:你一觉醒来,发现全世界的人都看不见你,也听不见你说话,你会怎么办?
『出题人:樱桃猫猫 』
干想干的坏事去
提问12:如果可以从机器猫(也奏是哆啦A梦)那里得到一样宝贝,你想得到什么?
『出题人:小文』
有图书馆么?
提问13:如果重新让你选择一次已经过完的这段人生,你会想从什么时候开始?换句话说,你对自己什么阶段最后悔,想重新来过?
『出题人:野孩子』
初中吧

提问14:你最后一次ml是什么时候?跟谁?
『出题人:阿米』
跟俺女朋友
提问15:你认为孙悟空和黑猫警长哪个更性感点?
『出题人:假民工』
你认为猴子和猫有什么性感的么?还是我最性感了
提问16:无事人的时候做什么最好?
『出题人:新空』
偷得浮生半日闲

提问17:你最不希望被问到什么问题?
『出题人:23theva』
“你为什么长得那么帅?”
提问18:最喜欢的一句话是什么?
『出题人:pampas Grass』
“我请你吃饭”

提问19:大家这么熟了,你最想对我(上一个传题人)说的一句话?
『出题人:青菜 』
你真是变态。可是我喜欢。

提问20:你最喜欢王菲哪一首歌?为什么?
『出题人:Azure 』
《人间》。很像精灵。

提问21:还相信,一生一世的忠诚吗?
『出题人:洁子猪』
不相信。世界上本来没有“忠诚”这种东西,有的要么是日久天长的习惯,要么是麻木,要么是规避风险的理性选择。

提问22:对你心爱的人,你会选择百分百的坦白,还是保留一些善意的谎言?
『出题人:雪狼』
善意的谎言。比如昨天我又把水杯丢在图书馆了,但我还是不能告诉她,免得又被一顿骂。

提问23:你觉得一个人最重要的品质是什么?
『出题人:Andromeda』
“最”重要的?那还是:他能认识到自己是个人

提问24:喜欢听歌剧么?
『出题人:Vincent』
不喜欢。

提问25:你会用多长时间来宽恕那些伤害过你的人呢?
『出题人:Oarcananoe』
没必要

提问26:什么时候觉得最无奈?
『出题人:人行天下』
子在川上曰,泄者如斯夫!

提问27:今年最希望实现的一件事是什么,打算怎么样去实现呢?
『出题人:Loneies』
换个窝继续混日子。考试。

提问28:真的有上帝存在乜?
『出题人:川0』
有。一种非理性的超验的存在。
提问29:被钱砸到是什么感觉?
『出题人:PP』
如同被美女kiss

提问30:请用四个字来概括一下你自己
『出题人:Spike』
阳具伟岸

提问31:九大行星最爱哪个?
地球

提问32:最爱的咖啡?
是咖啡就行

提问33:喜欢MSN的Space伐??多久用一次??
原来还算喜欢。后来挪窝了。

提问34:2006年最想收到什么礼物?
『出题人:小蚊飞过』
给个本本吧,powerbook
提问35:你什么时候结婚呢?
『出题人:鲁西西』
等我感到自己有足够的钞票养活老婆孩子那天
提问36:你为成长妥协了多少?
『出题人:用用』
这个问题non sense
提问37:你会请我吃大餐吗?如果不就送我礼物!
『出题人:小妖』
不会
提问38:说说我的优点吧?
『出题人:范局』
不认识
提问39:你养猫吗?你觉得松鼠是只怎样的猫?
『出题人:starg』
松鼠是只名叫松鼠的猫。

提问40:准备什么时候给我寄中文出版的小说,哪本?
『出题人:贼』
汉语知识普及读本

提问41:为什么我这么帅?
『出题人:管状』
因为你来自火星
提问42:你链我的博客了么?
『出题人:coolchanger』
链了,在链你blog的说明上还写得很精彩呢

提问43:有没有哪位青春少女要和我约会?
『出题人:中华牙膏』


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10.18.2005

弃用msn space,转投wordpress怀抱

这是我的第三个blog。简要历史回顾如下:第一个blog是在www.blogger.com申请的,帐号id为zhyagao,申请刚过不久, blogger.com就被英明伟大的党中央封杀,国内ip无法正常登陆。总不能每次为了看个blog还得用用ultrasurf什么的吧,麻烦。随后考 察了一下blogcn blogchina sinablog 之类的,总觉得不放心——服务器在国内,万一我那天一高兴往blog里上传了几张美女pic,偏偏这几张pic上的美女穿的衣服比较少,偏偏又赶上色情严 打之类的,岂不要了我的小命也么哥。于是就申请了msn space的blog,一直使用到现在。

为什么弃用msn space?一是msn和ie衔的太紧了,让人讨厌——我必须打开一个ie窗口登录msn,才可能让blog里的photo栏显出正常功能来, firefox和其他浏览器想都别想。出于对M$霸权的抗议,以及对firefox(甚至*nix)的钟爱,决定迁居。二是msn的上传功能不招人喜欢, 30m空间只允许上传图片后缀名格式的文件,.pdf .doc之类格式的文档无用武之地了,不爽。三是关键字过滤功能,这在msn space上遇到好多次了。四是msn space的blog不支持更改发文时间的功能,有些过去写好的东西却只能以发布时间为基准出现在blog上。五是那里的图片区,我不喜欢。等等等等,言 而总之,时机成熟的时候就该搬家啦。

今天早上向ideabook.net的兄台要了个wordpress帐号,打算迁居到这里。乔迁大事少不了一通折腾,打算用个把月的时间把msn space的东西迁过来。欢迎大家来做客!


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10.03.2005

韦伯视野下的葛朗台

看过韦伯的《新教伦理与资本主义精神》,再回头看巴尔扎克笔下的葛朗台老头这个角色,竟有了些完全不同的认识。高中课本里的葛朗台是个惜财如命、吝啬小 气、不顾亲情的小气鬼形象,我们都被引导着认为他是典型的、资本主义原始积累时期的资本家代表,一方面他是从中小资产阶级向大工业资本家、大金融财阀过渡 的角色,只懂聚敛钱财而不知(或不肯)投资用钱生钱,带有那个时代的局限性;另一方面他又是个眼中只有金币而置亲情、友情、人伦道德于不顾的人,最终潦倒 死去。
读完韦伯的这本书,葛朗台的形象在我心里变了样子。我不知道葛朗台的信仰情况,但必定不是个严格意义上的天主教徒,或者如果说他不是一个新教徒的话,至少也受到新教中一个或某几个宗派的影响。在做了这一前提假设之后,开始分析:

1 个人主义立场:救赎之路与骨肉亲情
清教徒的宗教信仰往往使他们持坚定的个人主义立场,并使自己处于深深的精神孤独中。以班扬著名的小册子《天路历程》为例,书中主人公班扬,作为一个虔诚的 基督徒,他的所作所为竟是那么的“自私自利”:在他得知自己所生活的是座毁灭之城时,受神的感召起身开始天路历程之际,他的妻子儿女试图依附于他跟随上 路,他的反应竟然是用手指堵住耳朵,高叫着:“生命啊!永恒的生命啊!”踉踉跄跄奔向原野。再如,当他被囚禁在监牢里,他以崇高的基督徒情感博得难友们的 信赖和归附,但他所想着的仍然只是自己,依旧是自己如何能够得救。在他沿途与同道之人的大量对话中,这种个人主义倾向表现得极为明显。新教不再承认世俗教 会至高无上的权威,教会再也无法拥有不容置疑的特权,对上承续上帝的旨意、对下为信徒与上帝沟通的唯一手段,传统意义上的集体主义立场被基督徒的个人主义 所取代:信仰上帝即可获救。信仰也因而成了上帝和自己两个人之间的事,与任何第三方的人或团体无关,他们无权(利)也无权(力)干涉。另一方面,基督徒仍 秉持传统天主教信念,将尘俗世界视为暂居之地,尘世的一切都是人为了磨练自己涤除罪恶而栖身其间的临时之所,人追求的是来世、彼岸天国的生活。
那么,既然尘俗世界本无所留恋,个人也只需直接和上帝相通,葛朗台对骨肉至亲的淡漠似乎已在情理之中。这非但不是病态的歇斯底里,更是一位基督徒的理性选 择。如果完全用马克思主义的解释方法,似乎葛朗台的重钱轻友只能是种病态的心理观了。但如果真用病态来解释他的一系列“疯狂”举动,小说所触及的深度就弱 了大半。

2 禁欲主义倾向:聚敛和投资
马克思历史唯物主义批判从历史发展规律的角度上说,葛朗台的局限在于他只懂得聚敛财富而不知道投资,反映了资本主义发展早期原始积累阶段的社会状况:葛朗 台们完成了资本的原始积累,再由葛朗台的子子孙孙们学着投资,“用钱生钱”,完成从中小资产阶级向大工业资产阶级、大金融财阀的过渡。事实果真如此么?或 者说,这个“规律”能否成立?我对那个阶段的经济、社会史没有深入了解,不敢妄作判断。不过韦伯倒是提出了一个异于马克思的视角,他从象征资本主义精神的 新教伦理中的禁欲倾向入手,用宗教视角来分析聚敛和投资等经济行为。
路德在翻译西拉的著作时第一次使用了世俗意义上的“职业”这一概 念。而“职业”在加尔文派看来也成为教徒确认自己蒙有神恩的手段,是为“天职”(关于这部分论述,我在前几天写过的两篇关于韦伯此书的笔记中有表述,在此 就不多言)。从事世俗职业并尽可能多地聚敛钱财就成为新教教徒的责任,因为出色完成天职会让自己“站在神的面前”,更蒙神的恩宠。但是,首先,教义只是劝 人们从事最擅长的职业,比如葛朗台那样通过经商发财,却没说要不要从事除此而外的其他相对来说不那么擅长的职业,更何况是否允许人们更换职业或是同时从事 若干职业,在新教中不同派别之间也还是有较大分歧的。其次,人的责任是就其天职积累钱财以蒙圣恩,但尘世的一切都是上帝的,人只不过充当临时管家的角色, 替上帝打理尘世万物(包括财产),人自己是没有资格挥霍这笔“非己之财”的,哪怕它恰恰是他起早贪黑辛勤劳动所得。从这个层面上看,即使将资产用于投资扩 大再生产,也是挥霍和浪费的行为,必将招致上帝的震怒和惩罚,来世无法进入天国。
但为什么随后的历史展现给我们的却是骄奢淫逸挥霍无度的资本家,以及不断将利润重新投资于生产的生产扩大化呢?这看起来与韦伯的 分析相悖。对此韦伯的解释是:“那些伟大的宗教运动对于经济发展的意义首先在于其禁欲主义的教育影响,而它们的充分的经济效果,一般地讲,只有当纯粹的宗 教热情过去之后,才会显现出来。此时,寻求上帝的天国的狂热开始逐渐转变为冷静的经济德行;宗教的根慢慢枯死,让位于世俗的功利主义”。当然这是个循序渐 进的过程:从严格意义上禁止奢侈、禁止在投资的强新教信条,到允许适度消费适度投资的弱宗教信条,直到宗教本身在经济、社会活动中的式微。换句话不妨说: 葛朗台的子子孙孙们开始花天酒地,因为上帝不再盯着他们;他们开始投资让钱生钱,钱不再具有宗教意义,而只是一种带着明确的功利主义世俗倾向的经济符号 了。

2005年10月3日 18:25 电子系206

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9.27.2005

乱弹 9月27日

两块钱猪肉一瓶冰啤酒顺着米饭哗哗倒进肚里,肚皮轮廓陡然隆起,数个饱嗝响亮,把积攒一下午的饥饿感打扫了个干净,于是豪气万丈,背起书包夺门而出,回学 校找个清静之地看书发呆困些春秋大梦去。容易满足的要么是鼓腹而游的惬意要么就是胸无大志的惰沓,总之我需要耐心打理每二十四个小时的安排,短中长期规划 一二三四有鼻子有眼的等在那里呢,总不至于眨个眼皮的功夫千载空悠悠了吧。

只是不敢甩开腮帮子可劲读书了。这很糟糕,不得不想方设法让自己不对可怜的几本教科书和数不过来的题山试海大倒胃口。一根好好的猪肉肠被人为切成长度相仿 的若干,刀锋所及的边缘打上标签:一月或七月的期末考,或是研、博之类的赌徒大赛,数月辛苦无用功换来价值并不甚高、却缺之不可的一纸成绩单,无奈之余却 也只好揶揄“为数字之勃起而读书”了。

于是索性破罐子破摔之,一改往日多做少说的龟孙子姿态,昂着甲状腺向全世界宣传我就是要考博,学校专业考试日期云云,幸灾乐祸地瞅着自己担心一旦失蹄损失 浩大,不得不抓耳挠腮硬着头皮再多翻几页教材,多做几道选择。看几纸闲书码几行闲字都变成当无不当有的消遣,玩物丧志殷鉴不远乎。

9月27日 20:40 一馆


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9.17.2005

笔记:韦伯对有关加尔文宗的一些论述

上帝的完全自由的意志通过万能之手显现出来,不可能受到尘世之人的影响。上帝只是有选择的拯救一部分子民,这些选民的被拯救和其他人的被遗弃都是毋庸置疑 的,那些曾以为只要笃信上帝在现世苦修既可获救来世升入天国的想法是错误的,因为这实际上否认了上帝完全自由的意志。上帝只能是少数选民的上帝,无论在世 之人为恶或为善,都已经无法对上帝的既成意志产生任何影响,无法改变已经先验决定了的命运。甚至,耶稣也只是为了少数选民而死的。因此,尘世之人的任何努 力都无助于他来世升入天国的可能。 按照加尔文宗的这种观点,每个人剩下的问题就是:我如何知晓自己是不是上帝的选民?加尔文没有给予确定性的回答来表明怎样鉴别上帝的选民和非选民,只是强 调那种从人的行为来辨别谁将上天堂、谁将下地狱的做法是完全错的。甚至在他看来这个问题只是个伪问题,是不能成立的:作为一个虔诚的信徒,我只要在心里知 晓我是上帝的选民,蒙着伸的恩眷,这就足够了;无需任何居于上帝和我之外的第三方评判标准。 路德引入了一种神秘的直觉感官帮助人以内向的方式与神沟通交融,使新教伦理除了个人主义色彩之外,还带有浓郁的神秘主义气息。加尔文教与路德反向而驰,否 认了人通过内心体认方式接近上帝的可能,因为尘俗的肉身无法包容绝对超验的上帝,有限无法包容无限。他们强调,人对上帝的体认必须通过在世的行为活动来实 现,即遵守上帝的天职号召,做上帝的虔诚子民。这样,一方面人抱着顽固的信仰不放,坚信自己是上帝的蒙恩选民,任何动摇、疑虑都只是魔鬼的诱惑,缺乏自信 只能是蒙恩不完全的结果,因而与这种动摇的信仰作斗争就注定是每个人的责任。在以坚定的信仰固守上帝所赋予的天职、笃信自己是神所恩宠的选民同时,另一方 面人开始带着这种自信和执着投身于繁忙而紧张的现世活动当中,利用紧张工作来抵消自己的宗教疑虑:上帝赐予我如此重要的天职,让我从早忙到晚不曾止歇,这 足以证明我是蒙圣恩的选民了。 与天主教相比,加尔文教要求人们不再仅仅象征性地行些小善,以此作为邀功的资本进入教堂,通过教会牧师的中介向上帝换取几个小时的软弱忏悔以及慰藉,而是 行善实实在在成为贯穿信徒终生的行为体系,一种得以彰显上帝之伟大和自己终将获救赎的证明;在天主教那里,偶为的不成体系的善行仅仅是实现某目的的单纯手 段,从而使人生成为“罪——善行——忏悔——解救——新的罪恶”生生不息的循环,而在加尔文教那里,成体系的善行本身已经成为一种生活原则,深深渗透进每 个人的日常起居中,根本无需教会从中发挥作用(稍带着说一句,路德持直观神秘主义立场,对天主教和加尔文教的向世倾向均持强烈的批判态度,在他看来信徒只 要在内心体认上帝,和他心心相通就足够了)。加尔文教大力颂扬的对自己人生有规划有安排的系统,就已经具有彻底理性化的特征,得以与此前非理性的存在方式 相区别。个人主义、禁欲倾向、理性立场,这一切都不可避免与天主教展开激烈冲突(就“禁欲”而言,天主教的禁欲主要着眼点在摧毁自发的冲动性享乐,而使教 徒的行为有秩序;新教伦理意义上的禁欲则强调使人们坚持按照日常的行为动机、特别是新教教条赋予他们的行为动机来行事,避免因感情冲动作出非理性的选择。 如果说天主教信徒认定自己来生可入天堂可为圣人,加尔文教的信徒则认定自己今生已为圣人、已做了上帝的选民、已蒙圣恩在身。前者为超世、来生的精神贵族; 后者则为今生、入世的精神贵族,是为流传至今的英美绅士风度的基础)。 但也因为如此,加尔文教式的思想方式比传统天主教思想更为激进和粗暴,对邻人更不友好、敌意日盛,充满骄傲和蔑视他人的情愫,宗教力量也因而更加分裂和一 盘散沙。

《新教伦理与资本主义精神》,第四章A节。于晓、陈维纲等译,现代西方学术文库系列,三联书店1987年。
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9.14.2005

给老侯过生日时发生的一幕

即将拍屁股走人的时候又跳进来一位,主人在本科时候的同学。此人甚是聒噪,首先是在点菜问题上就有否歧视学生(或最起码长得像学生的娃娃们)与服务员、进 而经理展开了一场对攻战,强调他这种小城市来的消费者应当得到大连人的尊重;随后到处敬酒喝了一通;然后就以老大哥教训小弟、老师指点学生的语气对在座的 四位研究生进行了一番说服教育,试图让我们明白“奋斗”的意思就是赚足够多的钱,否则将得不到应有的尊严。喋喋不休又杯杯不休,整个酒桌被搅得狼烟四起。

原来自卑心理发展到了极致,就成了变态了
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韦伯 一种为Capitalism辩护手段

资本主义精神与前资本主义精神的区别并不在于,前者强调无节制的攫取财富并尽可能地享受现世物质生活。贪婪、对黄金的渴求、无法填满的欲望和为达此目标不 择手段的行为绝不是某一特定经济、政治体制的专利,而是人的本性决定的历来如此。许多处于非资本主义经济体制下的历史人物,如12世纪中国的地方官员、新 德里的一名马车夫、埃及法老王,他们的贪欲未必亚于一位追逐利润的资本家,但置伦理道德于不顾而孜孜以求金钱的无法无天同样让人惊叹。这样韦伯将原本在道 德层面对资本主义体制的批判矛头转移到对准人的本性上来,从而还给资本主义精神以最起码是伦理上的合理性。

《新教伦理与资本主义精神》,于晓、陈维纲等译,现代西方学术文库系列,三联书店1987年。


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9.13.2005

关于Max Weber的“责任”

关于Max Weber的“责任”

韦伯在对资本主义伦理观所做的分析中首先指出,它所宣扬的至善,即尽可能多的挣钱,并不简单的因为新教伦理与强调为来世苦修的天主教不同,追求现世的物质 享受,并因而为资本主义在西方世界的发展提供了必要条件。挣尽可能多的钱在这种伦理观众已不是实现现世物质生活享受的手段,而成了目的本身。获利成为人生 的终极目的,这乍看起来虽然颠倒了朴素的唯物主义自然关系而显得非理性,但却是“资本主义的一条首要原则”,并且表达了一种“与某些宗教观念密切相关的情 绪”。这种情绪,用韦伯援引富兰克林自传中的话来说,就可以用《圣经》中的古老箴言来回答:“你看见办事殷勤的人们,他比站在君王面前”(圣经《箴言》第 22章第29节)。那么,只要拥有做生意赚钱的能力,这便是上帝赋予人的一种天职和美德;人所应当做的便是遵从这种添置的召唤,发挥赚钱的能力,其目的并 不是现世的物质享受,而依然是超验的、指向上帝的,为了能“站在君王面前”。
现实世界中的职业既然成了一种上天的召唤,变成具有先验有效性的“天职”概念,人就具有遵循此种天职召唤的义务,是为“责任”。与传统天主教伦理观不同, 代表资本主义精神的新教伦理观从“天职”概念出发,认为上帝应许以人的生活方式,不是在尘俗世界中以苦修禁欲的方式,寄希望于超越世俗道德,获得来世的拯 救;而是既然被上帝赋予一定的天职,既然已经在尘俗世界中占据某个职位,就要履行它所带来的责任和义务。在韦伯看来,“一个人对天职负有责任——乃是资产 阶级文化的社会伦理中最具代表性的东西,而且在某种意义上说,它是资产阶级文化的根本基础。”这样,韦伯从先验的义务论立场出发,依据犹太教——基督教的 传统宗教思想,第一次将“责任”概念引入伦理学体系中来。

《新教伦理与资本主义精神》,于晓、陈维纲等译,现代西方学术文库系列,三联书店1987年。

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8.15.2005

对Hans Jonas责任原则的又一点小批判

Hans Jonas 批判 ——责任主体的缺失
Hans Jonas在他的责任伦理学中,提倡当今活着的人要为子孙后代负责任,换句话说子孙后代应该有生存、发展、自由选择自己生活方式的权利,这种权利要求我们 这些前代人担负起相应的责任,不破坏他们生存的可能和选择的自由。从道德角度来说,能够明确享有一定“权利”并承担相应“义务”的必须是有明确所指的主 体;而Jonas的责任伦理学体系无法否认的是,“未来的子孙后代”也只是种潜在的、模糊的可能性的存在,并非严格意义上必然存在着的主体,Jonas无 法将这种可能性转化为实实在在的现实存在,从而让他们有可能享有一定权利并承担相应义务。这就带来一个伦理学上的困境,Jonas认识到责任原则在这点上 的不足,并尝试着采用以下办法来解决这个悖论:他试图从人类整体的角度出发,从全人类的存续发展这一宏观视角上来谈论“责任”,从而淡化每一单独个体之 “必然”与“可能”之间的逻辑冲突,解决“应当”与“是”的对立。

但应该说,Jonas的方法还是失败的,人类整体并不像单个个人那 样 具有明确的不容置疑的确定性。他试图构建一种基于整体的伦理原则来回避责任主体的缺失,但无法让人信服地解释,集体的善是否必然是个人的善,集体的应当又 如何成为个人的应当(为了全人类的延续发展,我作为其中的一个个人是否有义务为子孙后代着想),或者反过来说,个人的应当真的能够汇总成为集体的应当(存 在不同价值观、选择偏好和取向的个体意愿是否真能汇总成“人类整体”的意愿)么?

尤其对后一个问题,Arrow的不可能定理做出了否定的回答。(该定理的说明从略)

于是我们看到,Hans Jonas为了避免未来可能的责任主体的缺失,将矛盾转移到作为个人集合体的整体身上,但个人和整体又成为横亘在他面前的又一座难以逾越的大山…


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8.12.2005

尝试着从制度层面解释春秋时郑国商业的繁荣

春秋时代郑国的商业便已较为发达,举两个例子:第一个例子是前597年晋楚爆发战争,晋军将领知萤被楚人俘虏了。就有一位 时在楚国的郑国商人计划着将知萤藏在丝棉中间偷偷运离楚国。计划还没等实行呢,楚国把知萤给放了。第二个例子是前627年秦人潜师袭郑,行到王城就被郑商 弦高发现了,他以郑君的名义用四张熟牛皮和十二头牛来“犒师”,秦军一看以为郑国早已有准备,于是撤军。郑国商业繁荣的原因,部分地可以从制度层面予以解 释:郑国商人早先本是镐京的商朝遗民,郑桓公始受周封的时候,他们随郑公来到此地开荒辟野建设郑国立下不小功劳,郑公因而和他们立下盟誓:“尔无我叛,我 无强贾,毋或妄夺。尔有利市宝贿,我勿与知。”郑国也因了这样的制度层面的保障,使原本就长袖善贾的前朝遗民尽展商业才能,郑国的商业也因而迅速发达起 来。

以上文字主要借鉴自张荫麟《中国史纲》。可以进一步追问的问题有二:(1)郑国因何而立? (2)原典“尔无我叛…”这段话摘引自何处?
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8.05.2005

春秋之“士”

“国之大事,惟祀与戎”。

“士”,国王、诸侯、大臣豢养的专事征战的武士,不事耕稼而专于武功,是社会分工专业化的产物。“士”字原初指执干(盾)、戈、佩弓、矢的武士,其后渐渐 演变为专指读书议论的文人。因为“士”始终指特别接受过教育的人,春秋以前的社会教育主要是马上步下行军拔寨的武“士”教育,春秋中叶则演变为坐而论道谈 诗论文的文“士”教育,士之手教育的特征未变,只是教育的内容前后有所不同了。

士的主要训练方式是裸着臂腿习御射干戈,此外还有舞乐和礼仪。校射和会舞都有音乐相伴,但彼时的音乐和现在的音乐大不相同。那时的音乐是极其庄严肃穆的活 动,“士无故而不鼓瑟”。舞技则大有讲究。此外,武士除了要有“技”,更要有“忠”。


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“表里山河”的由来

春秋战国时期,晋国疆域的西南角被黄河划出了一块,又有一部分疆域被山地隔开,则称之为“表里山河”的地带。此地为军事要 冲,遏制着秦人东向出路的咽喉:秦人始终对中原虎视眈眈,而向东开进的必经之地就是晋国“表里山河”。三大夫分晋后,此地为魏国所有,魏代替晋继续肩负起 此一重担。后魏衰,秦乘势东顾,终于给中原六国带来切肤之痛,并彻底改变了中原版图。
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中世纪封建生产关系的形成

随着罗马帝国的崩溃,原本依据契约和罗马法建立起的相对稳定的社会关系结构也跟着崩溃了,暴力和残杀充斥着社会,人们痛苦地发现自己的所有财产、甚至生命 都无法得到有效保障,危机接踵而至。此时基于理性的权衡,他选择委身于某一强有力人物的保护之下,确保他的财产和生命安全。作为报酬,他的财产(甚至生 命?)也需交由保护的施与者,从而形成一种新的社会关系。被保护人最重要的财产——土地——成为保护施与者的所有物,被保护者只拥有其经营权,此时的土地 称“封邑”,被保护者丧失人身自由;另一方面,按实力大小,保护者仍然向上臣服,屈从于拥有更强大力量的保护者,于是形成逐层排列的新的关系结构,此即封 建制度的肇始。
然而仅由暴力关系织就的关系结构只能是不稳定和易变的,由此宗教——主要是天主教——登上了历史舞台。原本是下层人民所信仰的基督教与既得利益者合作,通 过哲学、道德等论证手段赋予统治者以既有封建关系的合法性统治地位,以神赐的名义捍卫统治者既得的社会、经济特权,进一步巩固、强化封建的制度结构。进 而,宗教无孔不入渗透到世俗生活的每一个角落,基督教庇护下的封建制度关系结构成为中世纪的重要特征。
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土地与人口的价值比变化所带来的

14世纪欧洲大规模的黑死病过后,人口稳步增加,相应的土地较之劳动力的价值逐渐升高。经济上的利益成为封建土地所有者做 出制度改动的动机,他们将不可随意转让的固定土地所有制转变为灵活的可转让的土地所有权制度,同时将原本牢固附着于土地上的劳动者(佃农)从土地转让制度 中剥离出去。制度转化为原本的土地所有者产生了更大的利益,如圈地运动等历史事件所表现出来的;客观上这又为资本主义制度的兴起产生了积极的副作用:大量 被强制与土地相剥离的、“自由”的劳动力——自由一方面是说他们不再受制于领主阶层,重新成为具有行动自主权的个体,另一方面是说,当他们一无所有、尤其 是失去了土地这最重要的生产资料时,他们就成了源源不断的劳动力供应源。
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7.30.2005

在制度经济学框架下分析altruism的三个动力

在制度经济学框架下分析altruism的三个动力。(1)爱、团结等精神鼓舞下作出的利他行为;(2)受到胁迫、被暴力威胁强制作出的利他行为;(3)出于明智的预期,即自己对他人的利他行动会得到他人同样的利他行动的回报,从而对自己有利。

(1)当时让我想到的就是一些伦理价值标准、尤其是宗教方面的内容。但没有一种普适性宗教能在人们心中建立起共同的行为准则,因而它的适用范围必定有限, 仅仅存在小范围的、有限的作用域;而且我也怀疑,秉持不同价值标准的群体间会产生严重的、甚至是毁灭性的冲突,同样强调爱、强调为真理为上帝献身的基督教 文明和伊斯兰文明就是例子。(2)将随着暴力的消失而迅速崩溃。(3)以自己的动机行利他之实,主效应是自利,副产品才是利他。从点来看,雷锋叔叔是否有 些太不食人间烟火了?

柯武刚说完这段话之后,进而强调,(3)自然要求在制度建构上确保人们对私有产权的权利…
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信息悖论

1:我需要依据一些知识(信息)作出行动;
2:我知道自己的无知,即知晓为了使行动达到最好的收效(收益最大化),需要更多的、目前我尚不知晓的知识(信息);
3:因而,追求自身利益的最大化就驱使我掌握更多本不为我所知的知识(信息);
4:但获取知识需要成本。我如何知道需要掌握多少信息才能作出利益最大化的行为?MR=MC还是as much as possible?
5:悖论于是产生。我不知道需要多少知识来引导追求利益最大化的行为,因为如果我知道,我就不是无知的了。而我怎么可能利用尚未掌握的知识获得最大效用?
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7.16.2005

Natural Law词条 Britannica

in philosophy, system of right or justice held to be common to all humankind and derived from nature rather than from the rules of society, or positive law. Throughout the history of the concept, there have been disagreements over the meaning of naturallaw and over its relation to positive law.

Aristotle held that what was “just by nature” was not always the same as what was “just by law”; that there was a natural justice valid everywhere with the same force and “not existing by people’s thinking this or that”; and that appeal could be made to it from the positive law. He drew his instances of the natural law, however, chiefly from his observation of the Greeks in their city-states, with their subordination of women to men, of slaves to citizens, and of barbarians to Hellenes. The Stoics, on the other hand, conceived an entirely egalitarian law of nature in conformity with the “right reason,” or Logos, inherent in the human mind. The Roman jurists paid lip service to this notion, and St. Paul seems to reflect it when he writes of a law “written in the hearts” of the Gentiles (Romans 2:14–15).

St. Augustine of Hippo took up the Pauline mention and developed the idea of man having lived freely under the natural law before his fall and his subsequent bondage under sin and the positive law. Gratian in the 11th century simply equated the naturallaw with the divine law, that is, with the revealed law of the Old and the New Testament, in particular the Christian version of the Golden Rule.

St. Thomas Aquinas propounded an influential systematization. The eternal law of the divine reason, he maintained, though it is unknowable to us in its perfection as it is in God’s mind, is yet known to us in part not only by revelation but also by the operations of our reason. The law of nature, which is “nothing else than the participation of the eternal law in the rational creature,” thus comprises those precepts that humankind is able to formulate, namely, the preservation of one’s own good, the fulfillment of “those inclinations which nature has taught to all animals,” and the pursuit of the knowledge of God. Human law must be the particular application of the natural law.

Other scholastic philosophers, for instance John Duns Scotus, William of Ockham, and, especially, Francisco Suárez, emphasized the divine will instead of the divine reason as the source of law. This “voluntarism” influenced the Roman Catholic jurisprudence of the Counter-Reformation, but the Thomistic doctrine was later revived and reinforced to become the main philosophical ground for the papal exposition of natural right in the social teaching of Leo XIII and his successors.

The epoch-making appeal of Hugo Grotius to the natural law belongs to the history of jurisprudence. But whereas his fellow Calvinist Johannes Althusius (1557–1638) had proceeded from theological doctrines of predestination to elaborate his theory of lawnatural law “even if we were to suppose . . . that God does not exist or is not concerned with human affairs.” A few years later Thomas Hobbes was arguing not from the “state of innocence” in which man had lived in the biblical Eden but from a savage “state of nature” in which men, free and equal in rights, were each one at solitary war with every other. After discerning the right of nature (jus naturale) to be “the liberty each man hath to use his own power for the preservation of his own nature, that is to say, of life,” Hobbes defines a law of nature (lex naturalis) as “a precept of general rule found out by reason, by which a man is forbidden to do that which is destructive of his life” and then enumerates the elementary rules on which peace and society can be established. Grotius and Hobbes thus stand together at the head of that “school of natural law” which, in accordance with the tendencies of the Enlightenment, tried to construct a whole edifice of law by rational deduction from a fictitious “state of nature” followed by a social contract. In England, John Locke departed from Hobbesian pessimism to the extent of describing the state of nature as a state of society, with free and equal men already observing the natural law. In France, where Montesquieu had argued that natural laws were presocial and were superior to those of religion and of the state, Jean-Jacques Rousseau postulated a savage who was virtuous in isolation and actuated by two principles “prior to reason,” self-preservation and compassion (innate repugnance against the sufferings of others). binding on all peoples, Grotius insisted on the validity of the

The Declaration of Independence of the United States refers only briefly to “the Laws of Nature” before citing equality and other “unalienable” rights as “self-evident.” The French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen asserts liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression as “imprescriptible natural rights.” The philosophy of Immanuel Kant renounced the attempt to know nature as it really is, yet allowed the practical or moral reason to deduce a valid system of right with its own purely formal framework; and Kantian formalism contributed to the 20th-century revival of naturalistic jurisprudence.

On the level of international politics in the 20th century, the assertion of human rights was the product rather of an empirical search for common values than of any explicit doctrine about a natural law.


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7.15.2005

Britannica 中有关Hanse League的词条


also called Hansa, German Hanse, organization founded by north German towns and German merchant communities abroad to protect their mutual trading interests. The league dominated commercial activity in northern Europe from the 13th to the 15th century. (Hanse was a medieval German word for “guild,” or “association,” derived from a Gothic word for “troop,” or “company.”) Northern German mastery of trade in the Baltic Sea was achieved with striking speed and completeness in the late 12th and early 13th centuries. After its capture by Henry the Lion in 1158, Lübeck became the main base for Westphalian and Saxon merchants expanding northward and eastward; Visby, on the Swedish island of Gotland, was soon established as a major transshipment centre for trade in the Baltic and with Novgorod, which was the chief mart for the Russian trade. From Visby, German merchants helped establish important towns on the east coast of the Baltic: Riga, Reval (now Tallinn), Danzig (now Gdansk), and Dorpat (now Tartu). Thus, by the early 13th century Germans had a near-monopoly of long-distance trade in the Baltic. In the meantime, merchants from Cologne (Köln) and other towns in the Rhineland had acquired trading privileges in Flanders and in England. The decisive steps in the formation of the Hanseatic League took place in the second half of the 13th century. While overseas, the German merchants had tended increasingly to form associations (“hanses”) with each other in order to secure common action against robbers and pirates. From the mid-13th century this cooperation became much more extensive and regularized, and by 1265 all the north German towns having the “law of Lübeck” had agreed on common legislation for the defense of merchants and their goods. In the 1270s a Lübeck-Hamburg association that had acquired trading privileges in Flanders and England united with its rival Rhenish counterpart, and in the 1280s this confederation of German merchants trading in the west was closely joined to the association trading in the Baltic, thus creating the Hanseatic League. The Hanseatic League attempted to protect its ship convoys and caravans by quelling pirates and brigands, and it fostered safe navigation by building lighthouses and training pilots. Most importantly, it sought to organize and control trade throughout northern Europe by winning commercial privileges and monopolies and by establishing trading bases overseas. The league established permanent commercial enclaves (Kontore) in a number of foreign towns, notably Bruges in Flanders, Bergen in Norway, Novgorod in Russia, and the Steel Yard in London. The league’s principal trade consisted of grain, timber, furs, tar, honey, and flax traded from Russia and Poland to Flanders and England, which in turn sent cloth and other manufactured goods eastward to the Slavs. Swedish copper and iron ore were traded westward, and herring caught off the southern tip of Sweden was traded throughout Germany southward to the Alps. The Hanseatic League’s aggressively protectionist trading practices often aroused opposition from foreign merchants. The league typically used gifts and loans to foreign political leaders to protect its commercial privileges, and when this proved inadequate, it threatened to withdraw its trade and occasionally became involved in embargoes and blockades. Only in extreme cases did the league engage in organized warfare, as in the 1360s, when it faced a serious challenge from the Danish king Valdemar IV, who was trying to master the southwestern Baltic and end the league’s economic control there. The league’s members raised an armed force that defeated the Danes decisively in 1368, and in the Peace of Stralsund (1370) Denmark was forced to recognize the league’s supremacy in the Baltic. In the 14th century the Hanseatic League claimed a membership of about 100 towns, mostly German. Though basically a mercantile rather than a political organization, the league tried to ensure peace and order at home; warfare between member towns, civic strife within towns, and robbery on the roads were all suppressed as far as possible. The league had no constitution and no permanent army, navy, or governing body except for periodic assemblies (diets). These were convened less and less frequently from the early 15th century, as the towns’ peculiar and regional interests began to outweigh their common concerns. The Hanseatic League declined partly because it lacked any centralized power with which to withstand the new and more powerful nation-states forming on its borders. Lithuania and Poland were united in 1386; Denmark, Sweden, and Norway formed a union in 1397; and Ivan III of Moscow closed the Hanseatic trading settlement at Novgorod in 1494. The Dutch were growing in mercantile and industrial strength, and in the 15th century they were able to oust German traders from Dutch domestic markets and the North Sea region as a whole. New maritime connections between the Baltic and Mediterranean seas and between the Old World and the Americas caused a gradual diversion of trade westward to the great Atlantic ports. By the mid-16th century, Dutch ships had even won control of the carrying trade from the Baltic to the west, dealing a serious blow to Lübeck. The league died slowly as England contested with the Netherlands for dominance in northern European commerce and Sweden emerged as the chief commercial power in the Baltic Sea region. The Hanseatic League’s diet met for the last time in 1669.
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7.11.2005

词条 Fabian Society

socialist society founded in 1883–84 in London, having as its goal the establishment of a democratic socialist state in Great Britain. The Fabians put their faith in evolutionary socialism rather than in revolution. The name of the society is derived from the Roman general Fabius Cunctator, whose patient and elusive tactics in avoiding pitched battles secured his ultimate victory over stronger forces. Its founding is attributed to Thomas Davidson, a Scottish philosopher, and its early members included George Bernard Shaw, Sidney Webb, Annie Besant, Edward Pease, and Graham Wallas. Shaw and Webb, later joined by Webb’s wife, Beatrice, were the outstanding leaders of the society for many years. In 1889 the society published its best-known tract, Fabian Essays in Socialism, edited by Shaw. It was followed in 1952 by New Fabian Essays, edited by Richard H.S. Crossman. The Fabians at first attempted to permeate the Liberal and Conservative parties with socialist ideas, but later they helped to organize the separate Labour Representation Committee, which became the Labour Party in 1906. The Fabian Society has since been affiliated with the Labour Party. The national membership of the Fabian Society has never been very great (at its peak in 1946 it had only about 8,400 members), but the importance of the society has always been much greater than its size might suggest. Generally, a large number of Labour members of Parliament in the House of Commons, as well as many of the party leaders, are Fabians; and in addition to the national society, there are scores of local Fabian societies. The principal activities of the society consist in the furtherance of its goal of socialism through the education of the public along socialist lines by means of meetings, lectures, discussion groups, conferences, and summer schools; carrying out research into political, economic, and social problems; and publishing books, pamphlets, and periodicals. In 1931 the New Fabian Research Bureau was established as an independent body. The bureau and the society amalgamated in 1938 to form a new and revitalized Fabian Society. In 1940 the Colonial Bureau of the Fabian Society was established, and it produced a continuous stream of discussion and writing on colonial questions. The Fabian International Bureau was started in 1941 to cater to the growing concern of Fabians with foreign policy and the great issues of war and peace. Copyright © 1994-2002 Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.
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7.10.2005

广告

卖者争夺买者的手段通常包括:
a.价格变化(价格竞争)
b.抱着吸引更多忠诚用户的目的改良产品(针对对价格不那么敏感的消费者),投入R&D成本
c.广告。付出额外交易成本为自己谋求市场地位。
d.销售组织建设,如分销渠道等。
e.对消费者的融资支持,如贷款、分期付款等。
f.售后服务。
g.对竞争施加政治性游说。

其中a-f属于经济型竞争,a为价格竞争,b-f为非价格竞争;g为非经济竞争,供应者串通政府强制或限制买家的干预。(新古典教科书大都忽视b-f的非价格竞争,而假定零令交易成本的市场行为。)

新制度经济学分析现实经济活动后认为,新古典主义经济学的完全竞争市场假设是不正确的。市场通常状态都是一个非完全竞争的寡头垄断市场,几个供应商之间彼 此熟悉而共同争取客户,从而存在寡头竞争的情况。其中供应者往往通过b-f的非价格竞争手段部分的培养消费者对它们产品的忠诚度,从而在一定的价格范围 内,该供应商面对的价格需求弹性相当之小,以至于可以忽略不计,并因而使他的需求曲线出现两个拐折点(关于拐折的需求曲线,请参照保罗斯威齐的原始论 述)。如在图中所示,当价格在P1P2之间时,企业的需求曲线E1E2的弹性非常之小,企业进入适合生存发展的市场小生境(market niche)之中。在市场小生境范围内,价格的变动对需求量产生的影响很小,只要企业能够有效控制成本不出现大的决策失误,使得成本始终盘踞在P1P2之 间,从而可以在相当程度上弥补企业因决策失误带来的成本损失并尽可能转嫁到消费者头上去。因而企业总是想方设法进入这个市场小生境范围内并盘踞下来。影响 市场小生境的外部力量主要有:来自其他供应商的竞争会给这个企业的小生境造成压力,进一步缩小|p1p2|的值,从而降低该企业的利润;相应地,通过g (政府游说,即寻租活动,通过向政府谋求政治干预来保护其市场小生境)的非经济手段,与b-f的非价格竞争一起发挥作用,也可以带来提到|p1p2|的动 态张力。压力和张力此消彼长不断变化,使得整个经济活动呈现不停的动态流动。残酷的市场竞争中也因而不断涌现出新的知识,带动社会向前发展。

消费者会欢迎这种结果,充分竞争将带来更大的效用和更多地满足,以使购买者付出更少的钱获得更大的效益。供应者则会感到更大的压力,从而被逼着不断寻求新的知识和信息,以确保在市场竞争中至少不会落于人后,保住既有的市场份额。
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“等”字的用法

“生产职能的计划工作包括产品计划、设施计划和供应商选择计划等三方面的内容。……”
这种类型的话从小就让我很郁闷。如果已经明确列出三方面的内容了,为什么还要用“等”字;如果要突出“等”,为什么还要在后边画蛇添足加上“三”的数词?
(《高级管理学》,尤建新等著,同济大学出版社,2003年11月)
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7.08.2005

轰轰烈烈的英语大跃进运动

下午坐406公交车回家,车身内贴满一所英语培训学校的广告,吹嘘已有10万名学员亲身体验证实,经过该校的独特英语教学法培训后,熟练掌握80万词汇量 的英语读写听说只需要8天时间,并经由人民日报、中国青年报、疯狂英语杂志等媒体做全面详细报道云云。读过这则大字报我就只好当场晕菜了,看来这么多年的 英语终于还是白念,按这么努力从小到大学了10多年的abc,词汇量也不敢说就有10万,更别说熟练的掌握听说能力了。这个学校能用8天时间让学生满嘴地 道鸟语,乖乖龙的东,我这书读得实在失败,不如退学不要这研究生文凭,入他的英语班吧。
ps.这个“多家媒体的全面报道”也未免吹嘘得太无耻了点:花点钱在人家报纸的末版尾版打个毫不起眼的小广告,回头就可以吹嘘自己神乎其神,甚至惊动那么多家大媒体来主动采访跟踪报道,厚颜无耻的学校还有没有职业道德可言?
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7.06.2005

没有严格依循理性的社会经济活动!

任何社会活动都不可能是完全“理性”地严格遵照经济原则做出的,都不可避免受到社会政治、风俗文化、伦理道德等因素的影响。比如中东地区对妇女参加工作融 入社会生活的一系列习俗性限制,在比如中国五、六十年代禁止农民自家养鸡、禽畜等。因而脱离具体的制度背景空谈过分空洞的普适性经济原则就显得较不恰当, 以及,绝对的经济自由在实践中不仅不可能实现,理论上也没有过分强求的必要性。
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个人利益的冲突与普遍的社会不安全

个人追求私利的活动会在社会中与其他人的利益、幸福产生冲突。这充斥着冲突和争执的日常生活甚至才是社会的常态,而我们是否可以说,这种状态就是不安全状 态?如果答案是否定的话,下面的问题就变为,如何区分社会中作为常态的个人冲突争执和普遍的不安全状态,其划分标准是什么?柯武刚说,其界限在于有人为了 追求自身利益而不惜动用暴力等不负责任的手段,冲突终至不能依靠第三方的中介做出调解,进而破坏曾被广泛认同的行为准则。
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初恋

初恋说她现在西安出差。说项目进展地不错。说今晚还要陪客户喝酒。说妈的我明明是个搞IT的却怎么混得好像坐台小姐似的。初恋只是不说她是怎么打听到我的 网号的,以及为什么又会突然间找我聊天。 伊脾气古怪地一如既往,滔滔不绝又绝不会说她不想说的,话题一而再地岔开,我料定撬出答案的努力又属枉然。
于是穷侃吧,这个我擅长。初恋似乎有话要说却总是欲言又止。你现在好吗快毕业了吧打算干什么。好啊你还那么小再读几年又何妨。我一切还好只是工作很累。呸 你想说我胖就直说别拐弯抹角的。本姑娘不稀罕。 项目完工了我就回沈阳。
来来往往,我只是说不清脑子里初恋的影像是更清晰了抑或更反之,只是再不愿相信“我还好”之类的鬼话——和其他人一样这只是无话可说时的托词,大多数时候 我们都麻木机械地过活,仿佛被骟掉的猪,只知埋头吃睡拉撒,以及追求“成功”。
初恋想问的问题其实很多,我知道她犹豫着的只是怎么说出口。曾经彼此再熟悉不过的老朋友,断了几年音信后,也开始打着哈哈,共同陷入无话不说的沉默了。
现在想来当年的故事其实很简单:说不上谁犯了错误,不疼不痒无伤大雅,但偏偏那是个我们都愿意死去活来的年纪。于是一切都无可挽回,只有在六七年后天各一 方,对着显示器键盘闲叙天宝事了。不同的只是懊悔的程度不一,以及,再也无从知道当年的“如果”到了今天,又会是何般田地。

于是继续无话不说的沉默。
于是初恋说:“失陪了范老师我得去坐台”。 于是一切又变回了老样子,半死不活,各忙各的。


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7.03.2005

做梦

1

睡觉有时会做梦,醒后却总是忘掉,好像烫手的山芋,每每在蓬头垢面的清晨醒来,呆坐上二十秒钟,回忆昨晚除了起床WC外还记住了些什么,然后在水池劈头盖脸全部冲掉。是夜的梦于是丢得一干二净。

于是无甚可说,怏怏然不能像那大把大把直让人酸掉大牙的伪文艺爱好者般,煞有介事又无限情深地说:“昨晚我做了个梦……”,随后的内容或是真实的记述,又 或是热情的意淫,精彩非凡了。于是,有时也会由此而嘲笑自己竟也成了这么个现实主义者,终究和彼德潘无缘。

年 代久远的梦只记得一个,那时我应该不到小学二年级的年纪,半夜“看”到一位长着鹅头的叔叔向我走来,嘴里说些什么,又全然没有声音,汩汩滴血。于是哇的一 声惊叫被这幕好莱坞默片惊醒,义无反顾推开一扇门离开一个房间,再推开另一扇门走入另一个房间,告诉床上刚从熟睡中惊醒的妈妈我做了个噩梦,现在很害怕, 再理直气壮钻进父母温暖的被窝,左边妈妈右边爸爸,香甜睡去。

我好像只是在讲述一件别人的故事,以至于现在回想起来竟然恍恍惚惚拿捏不准,甚至怀疑当年自己是不是撒了谎,编出这个根本没做过的噩梦来,目的只是能和爸 妈赖在一张床上:爸爸的教子方式颇为严厉,包括从我3岁 开始就安排我自己睡单独的房间,每星期只有周六可以钻到他们的床上美一晚好觉;而“噩梦”事发的那天毫无疑问并不是周末。若干年后父母总会颇自豪地向人夸 耀:儿子很小起就独立,自己睡一个房间从不哭闹或喊叫。其实这很好解释,既然做不做梦、做好梦还是噩梦都只能自己消化,大半夜黑咕隆咚地睁大眼睛盯天花板 只能自己吓自己睡不成觉,与其如此不如把恐惧赶快忘掉免得自寻烦恼。所以,记忆中唯一那次印象鲜明的噩梦,如果是真的倒也绝对合情合理——人身鹅首的怪物 自然会把六七岁的孩子吓到半死;如果是我杜撰出来的那我也会很得意:那么小时就会耍耍小心眼骗个暖和被窝偎一宿,足见我并不太笨,至少还知道大哭大闹对老 爸绝对无效,需要换个策略曲线救国。

不论采取哪种解释,情况都是我很少做梦,或者即便做了,也会在醒来后的最快时间内忘掉。当有什么事让你恐惧的时候,最好的办法是根本不去想它,既然噩梦如 影随形趋之不散,不妨目不斜视避而不见,何苦自寻烦恼呢。

2

让我苦恼的是,噩梦能免则免,可春梦也跟着逃了大半。这很糟糕,我是说,当白天看了一集007被邦女郎的惹火身材挑逗到行将崩溃,而晚上却无法对着这优美 曲线认真YY一 番,你知道那种沮丧有时候颇具杀伤力,甚至严重影响到身心健康。春梦很少做,做了也会很快忘掉,这就成为很让我头痛的难题,暂时还想不到什么好的解决办 法。于是,记忆里仅存的去年做过的那场春梦也就具有非常重要的意义:那是大学本科时代的级队之花,当一米八的她以《毕业生》中的经典造型撩拨着我春心动荡 的芳菲的时候,我才认真地忏悔妈的大学那四年为什么就生生没跟她说过几句话!怎一个悔字了得!

当 性暗示和些许往事的回忆被杜撰织成这样一个网,网里是再熟悉不过的、我最钟情的场景:我们面对面互相凝视着坐着,慢慢向一起靠拢,越来越近越来越近越来越 近,终于啵到了一起;然后是不安分的双手从这个部位移动到那个部位再到那个部位;终于到了最关键的一刹那,冲锋号已经吹响,红军战士早已按耐不住,一跃而 起向对方阵地纵深腹地狂奔猛冲……

春梦到此戛然而止,各位已经青春期历练的男同胞们都知道下一个动作应该是什么了:蹑手蹑脚跳下床,脱下内裤泡在水盆里,以备来日天亮后清洗;再找来纸巾清 理战场:出师未捷身先死,“泪”撒疆场“干脑”涂地了……

《做 梦》写到这里终于变了味道,这个梦终于大大偏开了原本的主题,从省级日报的文艺副刊一跃跳到法制生活的头版头条,只能成为又一个风马牛的烂尾楼典范,难免 会让读者大失其望。更让人失望的肯定还包括,我故意漏掉的许多细节:怎么样从面对面地深情凝视发展到纠结成一团?这双手如何在另一个身体上摩擦游走?一溃 千里尸横遍野浮血漂橹的惨状又是如何?如此这般。鉴于本文所发表的originator版面性质以及“好东西当然要自己独享”的叵测居心,我决定秘而不 宣,记录下这个删节版春梦的目的只是试图弗洛伊德那么一下,分析看它到底告诉我些什么,那个压抑在浮世脸孔下的又一个我是什么样子,以及相应地,我应当记 住些什么。

(1).对刺激性生活的渴望。系花、面容姣好、身材高大匀称、健康、阳光、撩人魂魄、前凸后凹、错落有致,这一切都足以使伊在当晚春梦中成为我理所当然的 YY对 象,足以表明我是怎样“色情”的一个男人,以及我是如何的不能免俗,终于向大多数人标准上的美女抛出了绣球,尽管现实中的我表面上对风韵丰满丰腴的女人多 么不屑一顾,以及,我是多么迫切地渴望这样一场足以涤荡沉闷生活的游乐。此外,它也充分表露出我的悔恨懊恼之情:本科四年竟生生错过如此绝佳机会,甚至都 没和系花说过几句话,直到良机既逝人走茶凉伊人已乘火车去,才悔之晚矣空悲切,眼睁睁看着这尤物不日将入其他色棍的魔爪,我恨。

(2).这个春梦暴露出我的一系列偏好选择。比如我和系花的前戏动作轻柔舒缓温情、近似于默片般安静无声,颇契合于我一直钟情的简明干练、安静少话的行事 风格;梦里的系花既能妖艳性感大摆《毕业生》的Pose迷 阵勾引我的欲望,又能似水莲花般不胜娇羞半推半就终成其好事,倒也说明我的俗不可耐,如大多数人一样,对性爱充满东西合璧的杂拌式幻想,希望那个与自己结 床第之欢的女人既风骚又端庄,既放荡又含蓄,既主动又被动,既大胆出击又欲语还休,既荡妇又小家碧玉。这点提请女权版迷人校长、molko副校长、A mm训导主任为首的众姐妹们对我予以最严厉的鞭挞和唾弃,督促我痛改前非形成新的、健康的、一元主义的观念。女神将赐予我荡涤内心罪恶、摒弃荡妇与淑女并 存的不切实际幻想的强大力量。希瑞……

(3).春 梦更将一些潜意识中的忧虑带到桌面上来。其一便是那场战斗中冲锋号一响,我甫一上战阵稍有接触便溃不成军望风披靡缴械投降的神秘隐喻,那个符号其实是我总 怀疑自己床第能力的担忧的外化:不知道多长时间是正常、自己是否技不如人,潜意识里表现得不够自信,甚至有些自卑,才会让那原本美好的春梦虎头蛇尾大煞风 景。其二,梦中美事未成的又一原因是,彼时我始终在忐忑着,自己没有戴TT,这样做了伊会不会HY,如果HY了怎么办…诸 如此类,尽管梦里的系花早已双腮怒泛春红,眉眼紧缩门户洞开请君入瓮了。于是如此好事终因我的犹豫不决胎死腹中,只能颇郁闷地不爽着起床换内裤,而非神清 气顺雄赳赳气焰嚣张不可一世。不够自信、优柔寡断、不够决绝,潜意识里的我警告说,此乃心腹大患。当断必断,否则祸将至矣。

技艺拙劣地向弗洛伊德致敬。

2005年7月3日晨


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