在制度经济学框架下分析altruism的三个动力

在制度经济学框架下分析altruism的三个动力。(1)爱、团结等精神鼓舞下作出的利他行为；(2)受到胁迫、被暴力威胁强制作出的利他行为；(3)出于明智的预期，即自己对他人的利他行动会得到他人同样的利他行动的回报，从而对自己有利。

(1)当时让我想到的就是一些伦理价值标准、尤其是宗教方面的内容。但没有一种普适性宗教能在人们心中建立起共同的行为准则，因而它的适用范围必定有限， 仅仅存在小范围的、有限的作用域；而且我也怀疑，秉持不同价值标准的群体间会产生严重的、甚至是毁灭性的冲突，同样强调爱、强调为真理为上帝献身的基督教 文明和伊斯兰文明就是例子。(2)将随着暴力的消失而迅速崩溃。(3)以自己的动机行利他之实，主效应是自利，副产品才是利他。从点来看，雷锋叔叔是否有 些太不食人间烟火了？

柯武刚说完这段话之后，进而强调，(3)自然要求在制度建构上确保人们对私有产权的权利…
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信息悖论

1：我需要依据一些知识（信息）作出行动；
2：我知道自己的无知，即知晓为了使行动达到最好的收效（收益最大化），需要更多的、目前我尚不知晓的知识（信息）；
3：因而，追求自身利益的最大化就驱使我掌握更多本不为我所知的知识（信息）；
4：但获取知识需要成本。我如何知道需要掌握多少信息才能作出利益最大化的行为？MR=MC还是as much as possible？
5：悖论于是产生。我不知道需要多少知识来引导追求利益最大化的行为，因为如果我知道，我就不是无知的了。而我怎么可能利用尚未掌握的知识获得最大效用？
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Natural Law词条 Britannica

in philosophy, system of right or justice held to be common to all humankind and derived from nature rather than from the rules of society, or positive law. Throughout the history of the concept, there have been disagreements over the meaning of naturallaw and over its relation to positive law.

Aristotle held that what was “just by nature” was not always the same as what was “just by law”; that there was a natural justice valid everywhere with the same force and “not existing by people’s thinking this or that”; and that appeal could be made to it from the positive law. He drew his instances of the natural law, however, chiefly from his observation of the Greeks in their city-states, with their subordination of women to men, of slaves to citizens, and of barbarians to Hellenes. The Stoics, on the other hand, conceived an entirely egalitarian law of nature in conformity with the “right reason,” or Logos, inherent in the human mind. The Roman jurists paid lip service to this notion, and St. Paul seems to reflect it when he writes of a law “written in the hearts” of the Gentiles (Romans 2:14–15).

St. Augustine of Hippo took up the Pauline mention and developed the idea of man having lived freely under the natural law before his fall and his subsequent bondage under sin and the positive law. Gratian in the 11th century simply equated the naturallaw with the divine law, that is, with the revealed law of the Old and the New Testament, in particular the Christian version of the Golden Rule.

St. Thomas Aquinas propounded an influential systematization. The eternal law of the divine reason, he maintained, though it is unknowable to us in its perfection as it is in God’s mind, is yet known to us in part not only by revelation but also by the operations of our reason. The law of nature, which is “nothing else than the participation of the eternal law in the rational creature,” thus comprises those precepts that humankind is able to formulate, namely, the preservation of one’s own good, the fulfillment of “those inclinations which nature has taught to all animals,” and the pursuit of the knowledge of God. Human law must be the particular application of the natural law.

Other scholastic philosophers, for instance John Duns Scotus, William of Ockham, and, especially, Francisco Suárez, emphasized the divine will instead of the divine reason as the source of law. This “voluntarism” influenced the Roman Catholic jurisprudence of the Counter-Reformation, but the Thomistic doctrine was later revived and reinforced to become the main philosophical ground for the papal exposition of natural right in the social teaching of Leo XIII and his successors.

The epoch-making appeal of Hugo Grotius to the natural law belongs to the history of jurisprudence. But whereas his fellow Calvinist Johannes Althusius (1557–1638) had proceeded from theological doctrines of predestination to elaborate his theory of lawnatural law “even if we were to suppose . . . that God does not exist or is not concerned with human affairs.” A few years later Thomas Hobbes was arguing not from the “state of innocence” in which man had lived in the biblical Eden but from a savage “state of nature” in which men, free and equal in rights, were each one at solitary war with every other. After discerning the right of nature (jus naturale) to be “the liberty each man hath to use his own power for the preservation of his own nature, that is to say, of life,” Hobbes defines a law of nature (lex naturalis) as “a precept of general rule found out by reason, by which a man is forbidden to do that which is destructive of his life” and then enumerates the elementary rules on which peace and society can be established. Grotius and Hobbes thus stand together at the head of that “school of natural law” which, in accordance with the tendencies of the Enlightenment, tried to construct a whole edifice of law by rational deduction from a fictitious “state of nature” followed by a social contract. In England, John Locke departed from Hobbesian pessimism to the extent of describing the state of nature as a state of society, with free and equal men already observing the natural law. In France, where Montesquieu had argued that natural laws were presocial and were superior to those of religion and of the state, Jean-Jacques Rousseau postulated a savage who was virtuous in isolation and actuated by two principles “prior to reason,” self-preservation and compassion (innate repugnance against the sufferings of others). binding on all peoples, Grotius insisted on the validity of the

The Declaration of Independence of the United States refers only briefly to “the Laws of Nature” before citing equality and other “unalienable” rights as “self-evident.” The French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen asserts liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression as “imprescriptible natural rights.” The philosophy of Immanuel Kant renounced the attempt to know nature as it really is, yet allowed the practical or moral reason to deduce a valid system of right with its own purely formal framework; and Kantian formalism contributed to the 20th-century revival of naturalistic jurisprudence.

On the level of international politics in the 20th century, the assertion of human rights was the product rather of an empirical search for common values than of any explicit doctrine about a natural law.

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Britannica 中有关Hanse League的词条

also called Hansa, German Hanse, organization founded by north German towns and German merchant communities abroad to protect their mutual trading interests. The league dominated commercial activity in northern Europe from the 13th to the 15th century. (Hanse was a medieval German word for “guild,” or “association,” derived from a Gothic word for “troop,” or “company.”) Northern German mastery of trade in the Baltic Sea was achieved with striking speed and completeness in the late 12th and early 13th centuries. After its capture by Henry the Lion in 1158, Lübeck became the main base for Westphalian and Saxon merchants expanding northward and eastward; Visby, on the Swedish island of Gotland, was soon established as a major transshipment centre for trade in the Baltic and with Novgorod, which was the chief mart for the Russian trade. From Visby, German merchants helped establish important towns on the east coast of the Baltic: Riga, Reval (now Tallinn), Danzig (now Gdansk), and Dorpat (now Tartu). Thus, by the early 13th century Germans had a near-monopoly of long-distance trade in the Baltic. In the meantime, merchants from Cologne (Köln) and other towns in the Rhineland had acquired trading privileges in Flanders and in England. The decisive steps in the formation of the Hanseatic League took place in the second half of the 13th century. While overseas, the German merchants had tended increasingly to form associations (“hanses”) with each other in order to secure common action against robbers and pirates. From the mid-13th century this cooperation became much more extensive and regularized, and by 1265 all the north German towns having the “law of Lübeck” had agreed on common legislation for the defense of merchants and their goods. In the 1270s a Lübeck-Hamburg association that had acquired trading privileges in Flanders and England united with its rival Rhenish counterpart, and in the 1280s this confederation of German merchants trading in the west was closely joined to the association trading in the Baltic, thus creating the Hanseatic League. The Hanseatic League attempted to protect its ship convoys and caravans by quelling pirates and brigands, and it fostered safe navigation by building lighthouses and training pilots. Most importantly, it sought to organize and control trade throughout northern Europe by winning commercial privileges and monopolies and by establishing trading bases overseas. The league established permanent commercial enclaves (Kontore) in a number of foreign towns, notably Bruges in Flanders, Bergen in Norway, Novgorod in Russia, and the Steel Yard in London. The league’s principal trade consisted of grain, timber, furs, tar, honey, and flax traded from Russia and Poland to Flanders and England, which in turn sent cloth and other manufactured goods eastward to the Slavs. Swedish copper and iron ore were traded westward, and herring caught off the southern tip of Sweden was traded throughout Germany southward to the Alps. The Hanseatic League’s aggressively protectionist trading practices often aroused opposition from foreign merchants. The league typically used gifts and loans to foreign political leaders to protect its commercial privileges, and when this proved inadequate, it threatened to withdraw its trade and occasionally became involved in embargoes and blockades. Only in extreme cases did the league engage in organized warfare, as in the 1360s, when it faced a serious challenge from the Danish king Valdemar IV, who was trying to master the southwestern Baltic and end the league’s economic control there. The league’s members raised an armed force that defeated the Danes decisively in 1368, and in the Peace of Stralsund (1370) Denmark was forced to recognize the league’s supremacy in the Baltic. In the 14th century the Hanseatic League claimed a membership of about 100 towns, mostly German. Though basically a mercantile rather than a political organization, the league tried to ensure peace and order at home; warfare between member towns, civic strife within towns, and robbery on the roads were all suppressed as far as possible. The league had no constitution and no permanent army, navy, or governing body except for periodic assemblies (diets). These were convened less and less frequently from the early 15th century, as the towns’ peculiar and regional interests began to outweigh their common concerns. The Hanseatic League declined partly because it lacked any centralized power with which to withstand the new and more powerful nation-states forming on its borders. Lithuania and Poland were united in 1386; Denmark, Sweden, and Norway formed a union in 1397; and Ivan III of Moscow closed the Hanseatic trading settlement at Novgorod in 1494. The Dutch were growing in mercantile and industrial strength, and in the 15th century they were able to oust German traders from Dutch domestic markets and the North Sea region as a whole. New maritime connections between the Baltic and Mediterranean seas and between the Old World and the Americas caused a gradual diversion of trade westward to the great Atlantic ports. By the mid-16th century, Dutch ships had even won control of the carrying trade from the Baltic to the west, dealing a serious blow to Lübeck. The league died slowly as England contested with the Netherlands for dominance in northern European commerce and Sweden emerged as the chief commercial power in the Baltic Sea region. The Hanseatic League’s diet met for the last time in 1669.
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词条 Fabian Society

socialist society founded in 1883–84 in London, having as its goal the establishment of a democratic socialist state in Great Britain. The Fabians put their faith in evolutionary socialism rather than in revolution. The name of the society is derived from the Roman general Fabius Cunctator, whose patient and elusive tactics in avoiding pitched battles secured his ultimate victory over stronger forces. Its founding is attributed to Thomas Davidson, a Scottish philosopher, and its early members included George Bernard Shaw, Sidney Webb, Annie Besant, Edward Pease, and Graham Wallas. Shaw and Webb, later joined by Webb’s wife, Beatrice, were the outstanding leaders of the society for many years. In 1889 the society published its best-known tract, Fabian Essays in Socialism, edited by Shaw. It was followed in 1952 by New Fabian Essays, edited by Richard H.S. Crossman. The Fabians at first attempted to permeate the Liberal and Conservative parties with socialist ideas, but later they helped to organize the separate Labour Representation Committee, which became the Labour Party in 1906. The Fabian Society has since been affiliated with the Labour Party. The national membership of the Fabian Society has never been very great (at its peak in 1946 it had only about 8,400 members), but the importance of the society has always been much greater than its size might suggest. Generally, a large number of Labour members of Parliament in the House of Commons, as well as many of the party leaders, are Fabians; and in addition to the national society, there are scores of local Fabian societies. The principal activities of the society consist in the furtherance of its goal of socialism through the education of the public along socialist lines by means of meetings, lectures, discussion groups, conferences, and summer schools; carrying out research into political, economic, and social problems; and publishing books, pamphlets, and periodicals. In 1931 the New Fabian Research Bureau was established as an independent body. The bureau and the society amalgamated in 1938 to form a new and revitalized Fabian Society. In 1940 the Colonial Bureau of the Fabian Society was established, and it produced a continuous stream of discussion and writing on colonial questions. The Fabian International Bureau was started in 1941 to cater to the growing concern of Fabians with foreign policy and the great issues of war and peace. Copyright © 1994-2002 Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.
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广告

卖者争夺买者的手段通常包括：
a.价格变化（价格竞争）
b.抱着吸引更多忠诚用户的目的改良产品（针对对价格不那么敏感的消费者），投入R&D成本
c.广告。付出额外交易成本为自己谋求市场地位。
d.销售组织建设，如分销渠道等。
e.对消费者的融资支持，如贷款、分期付款等。
f.售后服务。
g.对竞争施加政治性游说。

其中a-f属于经济型竞争，a为价格竞争，b-f为非价格竞争；g为非经济竞争，供应者串通政府强制或限制买家的干预。（新古典教科书大都忽视b-f的非价格竞争，而假定零令交易成本的市场行为。）

新制度经济学分析现实经济活动后认为，新古典主义经济学的完全竞争市场假设是不正确的。市场通常状态都是一个非完全竞争的寡头垄断市场，几个供应商之间彼 此熟悉而共同争取客户，从而存在寡头竞争的情况。其中供应者往往通过b-f的非价格竞争手段部分的培养消费者对它们产品的忠诚度，从而在一定的价格范围 内，该供应商面对的价格需求弹性相当之小，以至于可以忽略不计，并因而使他的需求曲线出现两个拐折点（关于拐折的需求曲线，请参照保罗斯威齐的原始论 述）。如在图中所示，当价格在P1P2之间时，企业的需求曲线E1E2的弹性非常之小，企业进入适合生存发展的市场小生境(market niche）之中。在市场小生境范围内，价格的变动对需求量产生的影响很小，只要企业能够有效控制成本不出现大的决策失误，使得成本始终盘踞在P1P2之 间，从而可以在相当程度上弥补企业因决策失误带来的成本损失并尽可能转嫁到消费者头上去。因而企业总是想方设法进入这个市场小生境范围内并盘踞下来。影响 市场小生境的外部力量主要有：来自其他供应商的竞争会给这个企业的小生境造成压力，进一步缩小|p1p2|的值，从而降低该企业的利润；相应地，通过g （政府游说，即寻租活动，通过向政府谋求政治干预来保护其市场小生境）的非经济手段，与b-f的非价格竞争一起发挥作用，也可以带来提到|p1p2|的动 态张力。压力和张力此消彼长不断变化，使得整个经济活动呈现不停的动态流动。残酷的市场竞争中也因而不断涌现出新的知识，带动社会向前发展。

消费者会欢迎这种结果，充分竞争将带来更大的效用和更多地满足，以使购买者付出更少的钱获得更大的效益。供应者则会感到更大的压力，从而被逼着不断寻求新的知识和信息，以确保在市场竞争中至少不会落于人后，保住既有的市场份额。
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“等”字的用法

“生产职能的计划工作包括产品计划、设施计划和供应商选择计划等三方面的内容。……”
这种类型的话从小就让我很郁闷。如果已经明确列出三方面的内容了，为什么还要用“等”字；如果要突出“等”，为什么还要在后边画蛇添足加上“三”的数词？
（《高级管理学》，尤建新等著，同济大学出版社，2003年11月）
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轰轰烈烈的英语大跃进运动

下午坐406公交车回家，车身内贴满一所英语培训学校的广告，吹嘘已有10万名学员亲身体验证实，经过该校的独特英语教学法培训后，熟练掌握80万词汇量 的英语读写听说只需要8天时间，并经由人民日报、中国青年报、疯狂英语杂志等媒体做全面详细报道云云。读过这则大字报我就只好当场晕菜了，看来这么多年的 英语终于还是白念，按这么努力从小到大学了10多年的abc，词汇量也不敢说就有10万，更别说熟练的掌握听说能力了。这个学校能用8天时间让学生满嘴地 道鸟语，乖乖龙的东，我这书读得实在失败，不如退学不要这研究生文凭，入他的英语班吧。
ps.这个“多家媒体的全面报道”也未免吹嘘得太无耻了点：花点钱在人家报纸的末版尾版打个毫不起眼的小广告，回头就可以吹嘘自己神乎其神，甚至惊动那么多家大媒体来主动采访跟踪报道，厚颜无耻的学校还有没有职业道德可言？
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没有严格依循理性的社会经济活动!

任何社会活动都不可能是完全“理性”地严格遵照经济原则做出的，都不可避免受到社会政治、风俗文化、伦理道德等因素的影响。比如中东地区对妇女参加工作融 入社会生活的一系列习俗性限制，在比如中国五、六十年代禁止农民自家养鸡、禽畜等。因而脱离具体的制度背景空谈过分空洞的普适性经济原则就显得较不恰当， 以及，绝对的经济自由在实践中不仅不可能实现，理论上也没有过分强求的必要性。
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个人利益的冲突与普遍的社会不安全

个人追求私利的活动会在社会中与其他人的利益、幸福产生冲突。这充斥着冲突和争执的日常生活甚至才是社会的常态，而我们是否可以说，这种状态就是不安全状 态？如果答案是否定的话，下面的问题就变为，如何区分社会中作为常态的个人冲突争执和普遍的不安全状态，其划分标准是什么？柯武刚说，其界限在于有人为了 追求自身利益而不惜动用暴力等不负责任的手段，冲突终至不能依靠第三方的中介做出调解，进而破坏曾被广泛认同的行为准则。
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初恋

初恋说她现在西安出差。说项目进展地不错。说今晚还要陪客户喝酒。说妈的我明明是个搞IT的却怎么混得好像坐台小姐似的。初恋只是不说她是怎么打听到我的 网号的，以及为什么又会突然间找我聊天。 伊脾气古怪地一如既往，滔滔不绝又绝不会说她不想说的，话题一而再地岔开，我料定撬出答案的努力又属枉然。
于是穷侃吧，这个我擅长。初恋似乎有话要说却总是欲言又止。你现在好吗快毕业了吧打算干什么。好啊你还那么小再读几年又何妨。我一切还好只是工作很累。呸 你想说我胖就直说别拐弯抹角的。本姑娘不稀罕。 项目完工了我就回沈阳。
来来往往，我只是说不清脑子里初恋的影像是更清晰了抑或更反之，只是再不愿相信“我还好”之类的鬼话——和其他人一样这只是无话可说时的托词，大多数时候 我们都麻木机械地过活，仿佛被骟掉的猪，只知埋头吃睡拉撒，以及追求“成功”。
初恋想问的问题其实很多，我知道她犹豫着的只是怎么说出口。曾经彼此再熟悉不过的老朋友，断了几年音信后，也开始打着哈哈，共同陷入无话不说的沉默了。
现在想来当年的故事其实很简单：说不上谁犯了错误，不疼不痒无伤大雅，但偏偏那是个我们都愿意死去活来的年纪。于是一切都无可挽回，只有在六七年后天各一 方，对着显示器键盘闲叙天宝事了。不同的只是懊悔的程度不一，以及，再也无从知道当年的“如果”到了今天，又会是何般田地。

于是继续无话不说的沉默。
于是初恋说：“失陪了范老师我得去坐台”。 于是一切又变回了老样子，半死不活，各忙各的。

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做梦

1

睡觉有时会做梦，醒后却总是忘掉，好像烫手的山芋，每每在蓬头垢面的清晨醒来，呆坐上二十秒钟，回忆昨晚除了起床WC外还记住了些什么，然后在水池劈头盖脸全部冲掉。是夜的梦于是丢得一干二净。

于是无甚可说，怏怏然不能像那大把大把直让人酸掉大牙的伪文艺爱好者般，煞有介事又无限情深地说：“昨晚我做了个梦……”，随后的内容或是真实的记述，又 或是热情的意淫，精彩非凡了。于是，有时也会由此而嘲笑自己竟也成了这么个现实主义者，终究和彼德潘无缘。

年 代久远的梦只记得一个，那时我应该不到小学二年级的年纪，半夜“看”到一位长着鹅头的叔叔向我走来，嘴里说些什么，又全然没有声音，汩汩滴血。于是哇的一 声惊叫被这幕好莱坞默片惊醒，义无反顾推开一扇门离开一个房间，再推开另一扇门走入另一个房间，告诉床上刚从熟睡中惊醒的妈妈我做了个噩梦，现在很害怕， 再理直气壮钻进父母温暖的被窝，左边妈妈右边爸爸，香甜睡去。

我好像只是在讲述一件别人的故事，以至于现在回想起来竟然恍恍惚惚拿捏不准，甚至怀疑当年自己是不是撒了谎，编出这个根本没做过的噩梦来，目的只是能和爸 妈赖在一张床上：爸爸的教子方式颇为严厉，包括从我3岁 开始就安排我自己睡单独的房间，每星期只有周六可以钻到他们的床上美一晚好觉；而“噩梦”事发的那天毫无疑问并不是周末。若干年后父母总会颇自豪地向人夸 耀：儿子很小起就独立，自己睡一个房间从不哭闹或喊叫。其实这很好解释，既然做不做梦、做好梦还是噩梦都只能自己消化，大半夜黑咕隆咚地睁大眼睛盯天花板 只能自己吓自己睡不成觉，与其如此不如把恐惧赶快忘掉免得自寻烦恼。所以，记忆中唯一那次印象鲜明的噩梦，如果是真的倒也绝对合情合理——人身鹅首的怪物 自然会把六七岁的孩子吓到半死；如果是我杜撰出来的那我也会很得意：那么小时就会耍耍小心眼骗个暖和被窝偎一宿，足见我并不太笨，至少还知道大哭大闹对老 爸绝对无效，需要换个策略曲线救国。

不论采取哪种解释，情况都是我很少做梦，或者即便做了，也会在醒来后的最快时间内忘掉。当有什么事让你恐惧的时候，最好的办法是根本不去想它，既然噩梦如 影随形趋之不散，不妨目不斜视避而不见，何苦自寻烦恼呢。

2

让我苦恼的是，噩梦能免则免，可春梦也跟着逃了大半。这很糟糕，我是说，当白天看了一集007被邦女郎的惹火身材挑逗到行将崩溃，而晚上却无法对着这优美 曲线认真YY一 番，你知道那种沮丧有时候颇具杀伤力，甚至严重影响到身心健康。春梦很少做，做了也会很快忘掉，这就成为很让我头痛的难题，暂时还想不到什么好的解决办 法。于是，记忆里仅存的去年做过的那场春梦也就具有非常重要的意义：那是大学本科时代的级队之花，当一米八的她以《毕业生》中的经典造型撩拨着我春心动荡 的芳菲的时候，我才认真地忏悔妈的大学那四年为什么就生生没跟她说过几句话！怎一个悔字了得！

当 性暗示和些许往事的回忆被杜撰织成这样一个网，网里是再熟悉不过的、我最钟情的场景：我们面对面互相凝视着坐着，慢慢向一起靠拢，越来越近越来越近越来越 近，终于啵到了一起；然后是不安分的双手从这个部位移动到那个部位再到那个部位；终于到了最关键的一刹那，冲锋号已经吹响，红军战士早已按耐不住，一跃而 起向对方阵地纵深腹地狂奔猛冲……

春梦到此戛然而止，各位已经青春期历练的男同胞们都知道下一个动作应该是什么了：蹑手蹑脚跳下床，脱下内裤泡在水盆里，以备来日天亮后清洗；再找来纸巾清 理战场：出师未捷身先死，“泪”撒疆场“干脑”涂地了……

《做 梦》写到这里终于变了味道，这个梦终于大大偏开了原本的主题，从省级日报的文艺副刊一跃跳到法制生活的头版头条，只能成为又一个风马牛的烂尾楼典范，难免 会让读者大失其望。更让人失望的肯定还包括，我故意漏掉的许多细节：怎么样从面对面地深情凝视发展到纠结成一团？这双手如何在另一个身体上摩擦游走？一溃 千里尸横遍野浮血漂橹的惨状又是如何？如此这般。鉴于本文所发表的originator版面性质以及“好东西当然要自己独享”的叵测居心，我决定秘而不 宣，记录下这个删节版春梦的目的只是试图弗洛伊德那么一下，分析看它到底告诉我些什么，那个压抑在浮世脸孔下的又一个我是什么样子，以及相应地，我应当记 住些什么。

（1）.对刺激性生活的渴望。系花、面容姣好、身材高大匀称、健康、阳光、撩人魂魄、前凸后凹、错落有致，这一切都足以使伊在当晚春梦中成为我理所当然的 YY对 象，足以表明我是怎样“色情”的一个男人，以及我是如何的不能免俗，终于向大多数人标准上的美女抛出了绣球，尽管现实中的我表面上对风韵丰满丰腴的女人多 么不屑一顾，以及，我是多么迫切地渴望这样一场足以涤荡沉闷生活的游乐。此外，它也充分表露出我的悔恨懊恼之情：本科四年竟生生错过如此绝佳机会，甚至都 没和系花说过几句话，直到良机既逝人走茶凉伊人已乘火车去，才悔之晚矣空悲切，眼睁睁看着这尤物不日将入其他色棍的魔爪，我恨。

（2）.这个春梦暴露出我的一系列偏好选择。比如我和系花的前戏动作轻柔舒缓温情、近似于默片般安静无声，颇契合于我一直钟情的简明干练、安静少话的行事 风格；梦里的系花既能妖艳性感大摆《毕业生》的Pose迷 阵勾引我的欲望，又能似水莲花般不胜娇羞半推半就终成其好事，倒也说明我的俗不可耐，如大多数人一样，对性爱充满东西合璧的杂拌式幻想，希望那个与自己结 床第之欢的女人既风骚又端庄，既放荡又含蓄，既主动又被动，既大胆出击又欲语还休，既荡妇又小家碧玉。这点提请女权版迷人校长、molko副校长、A mm训导主任为首的众姐妹们对我予以最严厉的鞭挞和唾弃，督促我痛改前非形成新的、健康的、一元主义的观念。女神将赐予我荡涤内心罪恶、摒弃荡妇与淑女并 存的不切实际幻想的强大力量。希瑞……

（3）.春 梦更将一些潜意识中的忧虑带到桌面上来。其一便是那场战斗中冲锋号一响，我甫一上战阵稍有接触便溃不成军望风披靡缴械投降的神秘隐喻，那个符号其实是我总 怀疑自己床第能力的担忧的外化：不知道多长时间是正常、自己是否技不如人，潜意识里表现得不够自信，甚至有些自卑，才会让那原本美好的春梦虎头蛇尾大煞风 景。其二，梦中美事未成的又一原因是，彼时我始终在忐忑着，自己没有戴TT，这样做了伊会不会HY，如果HY了怎么办…诸 如此类，尽管梦里的系花早已双腮怒泛春红，眉眼紧缩门户洞开请君入瓮了。于是如此好事终因我的犹豫不决胎死腹中，只能颇郁闷地不爽着起床换内裤，而非神清 气顺雄赳赳气焰嚣张不可一世。不够自信、优柔寡断、不够决绝，潜意识里的我警告说，此乃心腹大患。当断必断，否则祸将至矣。

技艺拙劣地向弗洛伊德致敬。

2005年7月3日晨

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